Thursday, July 30, 2009
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
The Jakarta Post
Opinion
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) last week. The formal establishment of this friendship treaty with the United States marks a new chapter in US-ASEAN relations.
Although relations between ASEAN and the US have no doubt been largely positive for both sides, the shift in US foreign policy regarding the region will no doubt impact future relations.
Even though many analysts have argued that Southeast Asia has enjoyed an environment of relative stability, it does not necessarily mean the region has been free from potential conflict. There are still many problems which have the potential to trigger an escalation of the complex pattern of relations among the members and non members of ASEAN. In other words, ASEAN should maintain its strategic opportunities by working well both internally and internationally.
In the wake of Sept. 11, 2001, the US found itself in a paradoxical position with Southeast Asia and, more specifically, with ASEAN. On the one hand, relations with several ASEAN member states have expanded significantly with the US-led global war against terrorism and because of a new appreciation in Washington of China’s rise in the region.
These two factors sparked a modest renaissance in US bilateral relations with ASEAN. Washington found new common cause with Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore and Manila in initiatives to strengthen anti-terrorism measures which included intelligence sharing, joint surveillance and police training.
However, critics make two arguments that detract from this claim. First, the global war against terrorism has created a backlash, particularly in Muslim areas of Southeast Asia, particularly in Indonesia.
Surveys suggest that the image of the United States in the region’s domestic populations has fallen significantly since the promulgation of the Bush doctrine and the beginning of the Iraq War. The post 9/11 era has diminished the power of state-centered political and military rivalry to dominate international relations.
On the other hand, many non-state actors now have a more significant global influence. There is also a process of reconfiguring power through which international security relationships are channeled.
A second argument holds that China has increased its political, economic, and security presence in Southeast Asia. US counter-terrorism policy has indirectly helped Beijing to deepen its engagement in smaller, poorer Southeast Asian countries where Islamic radicalism is not a major problem such as Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos.
The growing number of external powers seeking closer ties with Southeast Asia – Japan, Australia, India, Russia, the EU, as well as China – has led analysts on both sides of the Pacific to worry that the US presence in the region is diluted by default. A more specific concern is that a regional architecture is emerging which could weaken US power in the region, if not now then at some point in the future.
While there are no major problems that threaten the relations between ASEAN and the US in the near future, the lack of trust will lead to serious problem in the long term. Amid the rise of China as regional power, both ASEAN and the US have to make a greater effort to trust each other. They cannot take their common interests for granted. The common interests of containing communism during the Cold War and now in combating terrorism have no doubt brought the two parties together.
Secretary Clinton stated that a greater engagement with ASEAN is pivotal for the US. Further, US Ambassador to ASEAN Scot Marciel argued that the US also wants ASEAN “to remain strong and independent, enjoy peace, stability, ensure growing prosperity and greater freedom, achieve their goals for integration and [for the US] to work in partnership with ASEAN on bilateral, regional and global issues”.
Long lasting cooperation can only be built upon a more important foundation than simple interests. Trust and shared norms are essential if long lasting relationships are to be maintained. Unfortunately, so far, ASEAN-US relations have not reached a phase where trust and shared norms rule.
The writer is a Professor of International Relations at Parahyangan Catholic University and is Director of the Division of Global Affairs at the Indonesia Institute of Strategic Studies, Jakarta.
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
The Jakarta Post
Opinion
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) last week. The formal establishment of this friendship treaty with the United States marks a new chapter in US-ASEAN relations.
Although relations between ASEAN and the US have no doubt been largely positive for both sides, the shift in US foreign policy regarding the region will no doubt impact future relations.
Even though many analysts have argued that Southeast Asia has enjoyed an environment of relative stability, it does not necessarily mean the region has been free from potential conflict. There are still many problems which have the potential to trigger an escalation of the complex pattern of relations among the members and non members of ASEAN. In other words, ASEAN should maintain its strategic opportunities by working well both internally and internationally.
In the wake of Sept. 11, 2001, the US found itself in a paradoxical position with Southeast Asia and, more specifically, with ASEAN. On the one hand, relations with several ASEAN member states have expanded significantly with the US-led global war against terrorism and because of a new appreciation in Washington of China’s rise in the region.
These two factors sparked a modest renaissance in US bilateral relations with ASEAN. Washington found new common cause with Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore and Manila in initiatives to strengthen anti-terrorism measures which included intelligence sharing, joint surveillance and police training.
However, critics make two arguments that detract from this claim. First, the global war against terrorism has created a backlash, particularly in Muslim areas of Southeast Asia, particularly in Indonesia.
Surveys suggest that the image of the United States in the region’s domestic populations has fallen significantly since the promulgation of the Bush doctrine and the beginning of the Iraq War. The post 9/11 era has diminished the power of state-centered political and military rivalry to dominate international relations.
On the other hand, many non-state actors now have a more significant global influence. There is also a process of reconfiguring power through which international security relationships are channeled.
A second argument holds that China has increased its political, economic, and security presence in Southeast Asia. US counter-terrorism policy has indirectly helped Beijing to deepen its engagement in smaller, poorer Southeast Asian countries where Islamic radicalism is not a major problem such as Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos.
The growing number of external powers seeking closer ties with Southeast Asia – Japan, Australia, India, Russia, the EU, as well as China – has led analysts on both sides of the Pacific to worry that the US presence in the region is diluted by default. A more specific concern is that a regional architecture is emerging which could weaken US power in the region, if not now then at some point in the future.
While there are no major problems that threaten the relations between ASEAN and the US in the near future, the lack of trust will lead to serious problem in the long term. Amid the rise of China as regional power, both ASEAN and the US have to make a greater effort to trust each other. They cannot take their common interests for granted. The common interests of containing communism during the Cold War and now in combating terrorism have no doubt brought the two parties together.
Secretary Clinton stated that a greater engagement with ASEAN is pivotal for the US. Further, US Ambassador to ASEAN Scot Marciel argued that the US also wants ASEAN “to remain strong and independent, enjoy peace, stability, ensure growing prosperity and greater freedom, achieve their goals for integration and [for the US] to work in partnership with ASEAN on bilateral, regional and global issues”.
Long lasting cooperation can only be built upon a more important foundation than simple interests. Trust and shared norms are essential if long lasting relationships are to be maintained. Unfortunately, so far, ASEAN-US relations have not reached a phase where trust and shared norms rule.
The writer is a Professor of International Relations at Parahyangan Catholic University and is Director of the Division of Global Affairs at the Indonesia Institute of Strategic Studies, Jakarta.
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