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Showing posts with label Border Disputes. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Border Disputes. Show all posts

29 October, 2019

អ្នកវិភាគ​ថា ការរក្សា​កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង​សន្តិភាព​ទីក្រុង​ប៉ារីស មាន​ប្រយោជន៍​ជាង​បំភ្លេចចោល

By VOA
Oct. 29, 2019

អ្នកវិភាគ​មើល​ឃើញ​ថា​កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង​សន្តិភាព​ទីក្រុង​ប៉ារីស​បាន​ផ្តល់​ផលប្រយោជន៍​ច្រើន​ដល់​កម្ពុជា​ក្នុង​រយៈពេល​២៨ឆ្នាំ​មក​នេះ ហើយ​វា​មាន​អាយុកាល​មិន​កំណត់​ដែល​គួរតែ​ត្រូវ​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​ឱ្យ​បាន​ទូលំទូលាយ​ដល់​យុវជន​ជំនាន់​ក្រោយ​បាន​ចេះ​ដឹង។ លោក ឱក សេរីសោភក្តិ៍​អ្នកឯកទេសខាង​ផ្នែក​អភិបាល​កិច្ច​ល្អ​បាន​ក្រើន​រំឭក​ដល់​អ្នកនយោបាយ​ថា​ការមិន​រក្សាទុក​កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង​នេះ​នឹង​ខាត​ប្រយោជន៍​នៅ​គ្រាណា​ដែល​កម្ពុជា​ត្រូវការ​ប្រើប្រាស់​ពេល​មាន​វិបត្តិ​នៅ​ថ្នាក់​អន្តរជាតិ។ លោក​បាន​បន្ថែម​ថា​បញ្ហា​នយោបាយ​ផ្ទៃក្នុង​កម្ពុជា​នា​ពេល​បច្ចុប្បន្ន​គួរតែ​ដោះស្រាយ​ដោយ​សន្តិវិធី​តាម​ស្មារតី​នៃ​កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង​នេះ៕ (លោក ម៉ែន គឹមសេង, Hello VOA, ទីក្រុងឡុងប៊ិច, ២៨ តុលា ២០១៩)

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08 October, 2019

បក្សប្រជាធិបតេយ្យមូលដ្ឋាន​ ជំរុញរដ្ឋាភិបាលបង្ហាញឯកសារព្រំដែនដែលកម្ពុជាចុះជាមួយវៀតណាមកាលពីសប្តាហ៍មុន

By VOD
Oct. 8, 2019

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការដដែលបញ្ជាក់ថា ឯកសារច្បាប់ចំនួន២នោះរួមមានទី១សន្ធិសញ្ញាបំពេញបន្ថែមលើសន្ធិសញ្ញាកំណត់ព្រំដែនរដ្ឋឆ្នាំ១៩៨៥ និងសន្ធិសញ្ញាបំពេញបន្ថែមឆ្នាំ២០០៥ រវាងកម្ពុជា និងវៀតណាម និងទី២ ពិធីសារខណ្ឌសីមា និងបោះបង្គោលព្រំដែនគោករវាងប្រទេសទាំងពីរ នាថ្ងៃទី៥ ខែតុលា ឆ្នាំ២០១៩។

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19 July, 2019

វៀតណាម​​គ្រោង​ចុះ​ហត្ថលេខា​ទទួល​ស្គាល់​ព្រំដែន​ដែល​បោះបាន​ ៨៤​ភាគរយ​ជា​មួយ​កម្ពុជា​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​នេះ

By VOD
July 19, 2019
សារព័ត៌មាន​រដ្ឋ​វៀតណាម​បាន​ចុះផ្សាយ​ថា​ ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​ និង​វៀតណាម​គ្រោង​ចុះហត្ថលេខា​ទទួលស្គាល់​ព្រំដែន​គោក​ដែល​បោះ​រួចហើយ​បាន​ចំនួន៨៤ភាគរយ​នោះ​នៅ​ឆ្នាំនេះ​។
សារព័ត៌មាន​រដ្ឋ​វៀតណាម​ vietnamplus.vn​ បាន​ចុះផ្សាយ​នៅក្នុង​គេហទំព័រ​ព័ត៌មាន​របស់​ខ្លួន​ថា​ ក្នុង​ជំនួប​រវាង​អនុរដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ការបរទេស​វៀតណាម​ លោក​ ង្វៀន​ គួ​កយុង​ និង​រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ​ក្រសួង​ការបរទេស​កម្ពុជា​ លោកស្រី​ អ៊ា​ត សោភា​ នៅ​ភ្នំពេញ​ ភាគី​ទាំងពីរ​បាន​ព្រមព្រៀង​គ្នា​លើ​កិច្ចពិភាក្សា​នយោបាយ​ចំនួន៦ចំណុច​ ដែល​រាប់​ចាប់ពី​ទំនាក់ទំនង​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​ ការអប់រំ​ នយោបាយ​ និងសន្ដិ​សុខ​ជាតិ​ ជាដើម​។

23 December, 2011

Police claim debris from Thai aircraft

Authorities found debris from what they claimed was an unmanned Thai surveillance plane soon after what sounded like explosions above the Preah Vihear temple sent tourists rushing for cover yesterday morning.

A day after discussions drew Cambodia and Thailand closer to withdrawing troops and ending the Preah Vihear border dispute, Choam Ksan district deputy police chief Mey Chhai Yan said authorities had found parts of an “unmanned surveillance plane” they claimed Thai forces had blown up after it had taken pictures of the temple.

“We do not know what the aim of taking the pictures was,” he said. Some parts had fallen around the temple, but had not caused damage.

Villager Sao Yath, a 57-year-old from Choam Ksan district, said he had heard 10 explosions and saw smoke about 10:45am.

“Women were panic-stricken and feared Thais were launching artillery shells,” he said.

Srey Doek, military commander of intervention division 3, stationed near the Preah Vihear temple, said eight pieces, the biggest of which was about a metre long, had been found at gateways 1, 2 and 3 and authorities were searching for more.

The noise and falling parts had sent tourists rushing to find places to hide, he said.

Thai authorities could not be reached for comment.

11 December, 2011

Waging Peace: ASEAN and the Thai-Cambodian Border Conflict

Asia Report N°215 6 Dec 2011
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia that caused dozens of casualties and displaced thousands have challenged the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to finally turn its rhetoric on peace and security into action. Cambodia’s successful attempt to list the Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage Site came against the backdrop of turmoil in Thai politics after the 2006 coup that deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Thai pro-establishment movements used this issue to whip up nationalist sentiments against Cambodia as they tried to topple the Thaksin-backed government. The emotionally-charged campaigns halted border demarcation and sparked a bilateral conflict. In early 2011, the dispute turned into the most violent clash yet between ASEAN’s members, testing its historical commitment to non-aggression and prompting it to get involved. This has raised expectations that it might live up to its stated aspiration to keep peace in its own region. As yet, however, while its engagement set important precedents, it has no significant achievements. More robust diplomacy and leadership are still needed.

The resurgence of a largely forgotten 50-year dispute into an active armed conflict was related to two events: the colour-coded struggle in Thailand between the pro-establishment “Yellow Shirts” and the pro-Thaksin “Red Shirts” sparked after Thaksin’s ouster in the September 2006 coup; and the decision of Cambodia to register Preah Vihear as a World Heritage Site, which UNESCO accepted in July 2008. In Cambodia, the listing was occasion for national joy and Khmer pride. In Thailand, the ultra-nationalist Yellow Shirts used it to argue that Thaksin’s proxy administration led by Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej had sold out their motherland and committed treason. It became a powerful weapon to further their agenda, forcing the foreign minister to resign and destabilising the government. They successfully portrayed backing for the listing as a move to further Thaksin’s business interests, despite this policy having been supported by the previous military-installed administration. Until the Yellow Shirts’ attacks, bureaucrats on both sides had seen the listing as a mutual tourism bonanza.

The frontier became increasingly militarised and tense. Border survey and demarcation ground to a halt, as it became too dangerous to field joint teams. At the same time, political turmoil in Thailand led to a high turnover of foreign ministers and other senior officials. Nationalist lawsuits, controversial court rulings and constitutional provisions hamstrung the efforts of officials to negotiate and poisoned the bilateral relationship. Frustrated by this inaction and these obstructionist tactics, Cambodia’s prime minister, Hun Sen, often lashed out and on one occasion appointed Thaksin as an adviser – an episode that was the political low point of a troubled period.

Despite the warning signs between 2008 and 2010, passivity rather than active peacemaking was the “ASEAN way”. After the outbreak of hostilities in 2011, the UN Security Council set a precedent by referring the issue back to ASEAN and its then chair, Indonesia, which showed how energetic and bold leadership could bring the association closer to what [some of] its supporters wished it might be. ASEAN broke more new ground after both sides agreed to receive teams of Indonesian observers to monitor a ceasefire.

Thailand’s civilian leaders initially agreed to the deployment but backtracked after its military resisted, claiming the observers would undermine sovereignty, a sign that the post-coup struggle for power is unresolved. Cambodia approved them in May, but Indonesia would not dispatch its monitors until both sides signed on. The election of Yingluck Shinawatra as Thailand’s prime minister in July 2011 was expected to be a turning point, but was not. Even a ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that ordered the creation of a provisional demilitarised zone around the temple and called on ASEAN to monitor a troop withdrawal did not remove political obstacles. Then in October, Thailand was crippled by the worst flooding in living memory, leaving the government overwhelmed. With the waters now subsiding, Thailand and Cambodia need to recommit to complying with the ICJ decision as soon as possible.

ASEAN aimed to stop hostilities and restart negotiations when it took up the border issue in early 2011. While there has been no fighting on the border since May, the ceasefires in place are mostly verbal and unsigned. Until troops are verifiably withdrawn and diplomats resume negotiations, this conflict is not over. But in trying to resolve it, ASEAN, under Indonesia’s leadership, has laid out a methodology for dealing with future disputes. If it wants to fulfil its stated goal of taking responsibility for its own peace and security, it needs to use its existing mechanisms at the first sign of trouble and not just rely on an activist chair. The Thai-Cambodian conflict remains an active challenge for ASEAN, which must achieve a certifiable peace on this disputed border if it wishes to keep its own region secure in the future.

Bangkok/Jakarta/Brussels, 6 December 2011

24 March, 2011

Thai army chief rejects border observers

By Agence France-Presse, Updated: 3/23/2011

Thailand's powerful army chief on Wednesday said Indonesian observers were not wanted in a disputed area on the Thai-Cambodia border, despite an earlier agreement between the neighbours.

Thailand's powerful army chief on Wednesday said Indonesian observers were not wanted in a disputed area on the Thai-Cambodia border, despite an earlier agreement between the neighbours.

"Regardless of where the observers are from, we don't want them.. in the disputed area because it's dangerous and will complicate the problem", General Prayut Chan-O-Cha said.


The Thai defence ministry, armed forces and military commanders reject the idea of outside monitors in the territory, he said, before conceding that it was up to the government to decide.

A simmering border dispute over a small piece of land around an 11th century temple erupted in early February and heavy fighting between the armies of both sides claimed at least 10 lives and displaced thousands.

Prayut said the longstanding General Border Committee, chaired by Thai and Cambodian defence ministers, should be convened as planned in April to help the countries decide whether observers were wanted in the area.

Government spokesman Panitan Wattanayagorn denied a split between the government and military view of the situation.

"There's no change in position," he said, adding that the GBC meeting would be held first to iron out details such as location and agenda before observers would be allowed in the territory.

"I asked Khun Prayut... he said he did not reject the principle. They have to be clear on the conditions and in order to do that the GBC should resume first," he said. Khun is a Thai term of respect.

Thailand and Cambodia have each accused the other of starting the border clashes, which erupted around the Hindu temple of Preah Vihear.

Ties between the neighbours have been strained since Preah Vihear was granted UN World Heritage status in July 2008.

The World Court ruled in 1962 that the temple belonged to Cambodia, but both countries claim ownership of a 4.6 square kilometre (1.8 square mile) surrounding area.

The initial deal to allow observers into the area came in late February during a meeting of foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Indonesia, which holds the current chair of the 10-member block.

The Observer's Military Vehicles Directory from 1945


At the time Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, speaking on behalf of ASEAN, said it was a "unique arrangement" for the grouping, which devotes most of its time to trade and avoids conflict resolution.

Photo Military Observers of Neutral Countries on Danube 1900

The observers, including soldiers and civilians, were expected to be embedded with armies on either side of the disputed border and report to the governments in Bangkok and Phnom Penh on any violations of the ceasefire.

20 October, 2010

Bangkok to vote on border


 
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Thailand’s parliament is set to approve the latest round of border negotiations with Cambodia, a move that could bring the neighbours closer to resolving long-standing differences over their shared boundary.
Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva told a delegation of visiting Cambodian journalists in Bangkok that debate on the minutes of three Joint Border Committee meetings would likely open at the Thai parliament next Tuesday.
Negotiations of the bilateral JBC have been stalled since April of last year pending the Thai parliament’s approval of the latest agreements.
“We’re just hopeful that the endorsement of the agreed minutes will pave the way for the future work of the JBC, which should help address the border issues in a comprehensive manner,” Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs deputy spokesman Thani Thongphakdi said.
At the previous three JBC and foreign minister meetings, Thailand and Cambodia agreed to undertake joint demining and demarcation projects along the border near Preah Vihear temple, and to redeploy troops in the area in a bid to ease tensions.
At least seven soldiers have been killed in clashes in the area since 2008.
Prime Minister Hun Sen said in a speech last week that the approval of the JBC negotiations and the withdrawal of Thai troops near the temple would yield a swift resolution of the countries’ disagreements.
“If the troops are redeployed from that area, it is finished,” Hun Sen said

03 September, 2010

State urges discretion in border coverage


The Phnom Penh Post

OFFICIALS from the Ministry of Information met yesterday with their Thai counterparts in Phnom Penh, emphasising the need for media outlets to report accurately and avoid fanning the flames of the border dispute.

The meeting came just weeks after Cambodia and Thailand returned their respective ambassadors and restored full diplomatic ties following the rift over Phnom Penh’s appointment of fugitive former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra as an economics adviser. Thaksin, wanted in
Thailand on graft charges, resigned from the position last month.

Minister of Information Khieu Kanharith said that as the countries work to repair their frayed relationship, their media must avoid needlessly stoking nationalistic passions.

“I appreciate the mature attitude of media from the two countries who don’t publish reports that will cause hatefulness or racism among the populations of the two countries, even though we’ve had problems in diplomacy,” Khieu Kanharith said.

Media outlets have often played a contentious role in Thai-Cambodian relations. In 2003, rioters burned down the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh following a false report, cited in a speech by Prime Minister Hun Sen, that a Thai actress had claimed the famed Angkor Wat temple complex belonged to Thailand.

More recently, Bangkok’s The Nation newspaper quoted Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva as saying last month that Bangkok would consider “both diplomatic and military means” to solve the disagreement with Cambodia over a patch of land adjacent to Preah Vihear temple. Hun Sen cited this quotation in a letter to the president of the United Nations Security Council, calling it an “obvious threat”.

Officials in Bangkok, however, later said that Abhisit’s statements had been misquoted and taken out of context, citing Thailand’s commitment to a 2000 Memorandum of Understanding with Cambodia that provides for peaceful demarcation of the border.

“We want to solve these problems peacefully, without the use of force,” Abhisit said last month, according to the Bangkok Post.

Moeun Chhean Narridh, director of the Cambodian Institute for Media Studies, said reporters had a responsibility to carefully handle the “very sensitive and delicate” issues at the centre of the Thai-Cambodian conflict. He said he worried about the tendency of news outlets in both countries to trade in inflated nationalism and war-mongering.

“The media has a role to not take sides and avoid conflict,” he said.

Ongart Klampaiboon, Abhisit’s Office Minister and the leader of the visiting delegation, said dubious media reports on the dispute were a continuing problem. On Wednesday, Ongart said, several Thai media outlets incorrectly reported that Hun Sen had backed out of a proposed meeting with Abhisit at an international summit scheduled for next month in Belgium.

But just as news outlets need to be discerning in their reporting, officials from the two countries should be discrete in their communications with one another, Moeun Chhean Narridh said, and avoid doing diplomacy through the media.

“The government should not rely on the media as statements representing any side,” he said.

20 August, 2010

Thailand asks Asean not to intervene in temple row


  • SourceBangkok Post 20/08/2010

The Thai government is asking other Asean countries not to intervene in the Preah Vihear conflict and allow Cambodia and Thailand to settle the matter themselves.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said yesterday he did not believe the reports that Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, in his capacity as Association of Southeast Asian Nations chairman, would raise the Preah Vihear dispute at an Asean meeting.

He thought the Asean chair was simply sounding out the opinions of association members about the border dispute after receiving a letter from Cambodia.

Mr Abhisit said all parties should understand that the issue could be solved at the bilateral level.

Cambodia wants the conflict to be dealt with at the multilateral level because the Thai parliament has not considered the negotiation framework of the Thai-Cambodian Joint Boundary Commission (JBC), but Mr Abhisit said each country had its own processes and other nations should respect this.

"Thailand has its parliamentary procedures which must be respected," the prime minister said.

"The government does not interfere."

Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban yesterday warned that Cambodia could not raise the Preah Vihear issue for multilateral discussion without first securing the consent of Thailand. He urged Cambodia to handle the issue bilaterally.

The conflict was a longstanding one and time was needed to resolve it, he said.

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said yesterday Thailand and Cambodia had discussed the temple issue through all available mechanisms such as the joint border committee. They did not need the intervention of neighbouring countries.

Mr Kasit said Thailand had tried to explain the matter to its fellow Asean members and he hoped they understood.

The Foreign Affairs Ministry would send a letter to Vietnam and the other members of Asean to clarify the Preah Vihear dispute.

The letter would seek to clear up the misunderstandings surrounding the temple conflict and deal with Phnom Penh's allegations against Thailand related to the temple row, he said.

18 August, 2010

Thailand puts off approval of border talks



THE Thai government has delayed a parliamentary session to approve the latest round of border demarcation agreements with Cambodia, a move Cambodian officials said was part of a long-running strategy of putting off negotiations.

A report from Thai state media yesterday said a parliamentary vote to approve the three most recent sessions of Thailand and Cambodia’s Joint Border Committee, established under a 2000 Memorandum of Understanding, had been postponed because the legislature’s agenda was already full. Border demarcation talks through the JBC have been stalled since April of last year pending Thai parliament approval of the latest negotiations.

“This is not a surprise to me,” said senior minister Var Kimhong, Cambodia’s chief border negotiator. “I don’t really care about this matter anymore because I’ve learned that this is the habit of the Thai party.”

Cambodia called for assistance from the UN and ASEAN last week in reviving the stalled border negotiations with Thailand, with Prime Minister Hun Sen warning that the current stalemate could lead to “bloodshed”. Thai officials have said they are opposed to negotiations in a multilateral forum and prefer the bilateral JBC.

Tension has been high between the two countries since the conclusion earlier this month of a UNESCO World Heritage Committee meeting at which Cambodian representatives submitted a management plan for Preah Vihear temple, inscribed as a World Heritage site in 2008. The management plan will be discussed at a meeting of the committee in Bahrain next year.

Thai officials who have supported further border negotiations have received criticism from the members of the ultranationalist People’s Alliance for Democracy, also known as the Yellow Shirts, which charges that the JBC meetings could lead to the “loss” of Thai territories along the border.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Koy Kuong said yesterday that if Thai officials were truly committed to bilateral talks, they would move more quickly to secure parliamentary approval of the JBC negotiations.

“Our patience with bilateral talks has ended, so we are seeking a multilateral way,” Koy Kuong said.

“Thailand insists on bilateral talks, but the documents have yet to be processed,” he said.

“They cannot use the JBC to play with Cambodia in this way.”

08 April, 2010

Approaching Reciprocity: The border issue as a symptom

Source:nazet.com
By Amanuel Tesfaselassie Muhzun


Worldwide, there are approximately 100 boundary disputes between countries. Vast areas of land, sea and maritime coasts push countries into quarrel for territorial claims or possessions. Some areas are even claimed by more than two countries. There can be wide divergence between de facto boundaries, whether by right or not, and de jure, rightfully, boundaries. Most countries reinforce sovereignty claims for different reasons: Colonial inherited conflicts, the exploitation of minerals, agricultural usage, geopolitical attractions such as access to waters, and other significant benefits.

Few countries exercised arm conflicts, but soon sought legal resolution. Countries solve their territorial claims bilaterally, or at the international hearings, or through other means of mediations. For example: Germany and Denmark successfully resolved an age-old boarder dispute (1815 – 2001) of 68 kilometres. Russia and the United States of America agreed on fishing claims in the central Bering Sea, and Botswana was rewarded the disputed islands with Namibia.

For clarity, here are some of the on-going disputes which may impress us with their experiences: Russia and Japan have had their modern border dispute since 1945 over the Kurile Islands. They are four small islands along 1200 km. of coast line under Russian administration that have been without a conclusive peace treaty between Japan and Russia. Norway and Russia negotiate on the delimitation of maritime boundaries. China and Japan dispute concerning the Senkaku Islands. India and Pakistan still dispute over Kashmir. Afghanistan - Pakistan on their boarder. The Spanish and Moroccan claims over Ceuta and Melilla. Bolivia – Chile – Peru dispute in the Atacama Desert. Mexico and USA dispute in their boarder lands. Canada disputes with USA and Denmark over maritime boundaries. Cambodia – Laos, Cambodia – Vietnam claim in Ratanakiri Province in Cambodia. Iraq and Turkey dispute in the Northern of Kurdistan region. Bahrain and Qatar dispute over maritime delimitation. Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan dispute in the Caspian. Spanish with Britain dispute in Gibraltar for territorial waters. Ireland and Britain dispute over their border. Bulgaria and Greece dispute over their boarder lands. It is possible that some of these disputes may have been currently resolved.

More importantly, almost all of the disputing countries have warm or modest diplomatic relations between one another, because they examine that the benefit of diplomacy out-weigh the dispute. Skilled politicians might consider war, only when it seems that self defence is universally accepted and morally right.

Since May 1998 the so called border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea has been difficult to mediate because of the controversial nature of the conflicts between the two governments.

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, had an interview with African-confidential.com, a London based news letter, on May 03, 2009, in Addis Abeba. He said that “the EPRDF has been in power for this long both a reflection of its strength and the weakness of the opposition”. Meles stressed the need for more leadership reforms than policy. At the same time, with regard to the questions on the border issue and further relations with Eritrea, Mr. Meles emphasized that “the boundary was a symptom of an underlying sickness and you do not cure a sickness by treating its symptoms only. Therefore, Ethiopia is in need of dialogue, but Eritrea is not engaging us in dialogue. That is the same approach that they are following in Djibouti and elsewhere. So I think that that needs to change and it can only change from inside. But as soon as it does change, then I am sure that the window will be opened. But, if we must have what we have now, we can live with it, more or less indefinitely”, Meles added.

One of the main concerns in Ethiopia is the politics of ethnicity which can be a divisive policy. The fear is that would marginalize some ethnicities and discourage national unity. It could be difficult to maintain the unity during government transition, or socio-economic crises. Those may require corrections and phase out gradually.

In principle, I wish to see Ethiopia in peace and unity. I respect the courage of those patriots who are dreaming of accommodating Ethiopian unity. A growing confidence among all nationalities is valuable for a solid unity in Ethiopia. In this regard, handling Tigray has to be one of the main requirements. Although the upcoming election may carry some thing of its own fashion, learning from the elections of 2005 can be a good ground to attain popular goals. Elections should not focus on a grabbing of power, but on broad-minded national unity and popular interests.
When we are observing that some positive achievements in economy and democratic practices have been made by the EPRDF government or it is dealing with common national agendas, let us applaud to its contributions and build confidence among each other. Although there are several reasons to criticize the EPRDF government, we may not have to think that anything would help by doing provocative propagandas against our political rivals. Working together on various national issues can develop common responsibility.

More importantly, the opportunity scheduled for May 2010 national elections in Ethiopia would have to open the doors for a proper Ethiopian integration and prospective Ethio-Eritrean reciprocity.

President Isaias Afeworki of Eritrea gave an extensive interview to the Ethiopianreview.com in May 2009, in Asmara. He said that “the border conflict which was insanity to me was never ever an issue”.
“There was no border threat at all” Isaias added.

Despite the fact that Isaias Afeworki has been known as a manipulative leader in the Eritrean politics, he meaningfully told the Ethiopian Review Reporters that “Eritrea without cooperation with Ethiopia is a vacuum”, and “the sky is the limit for Ethiopia and Eritrea integration,” Mr. Isaias said.

Such bold statements are good lessons to those who live in a fairy tale about Eritrea. Of course, under favourable administrative conditions, Eritrea within the limit of her own resources could have done better than she has to date. There have also been sensitive cultural and regional polarities in Eritrea. Undesirable sentiments can hinder progress in different aspects of life. However, Eritreans need to develop genuine understanding in sharing our common concerns. The Eritrean people need the rule of law, development in economy and education.

Although what Isaias said, and the style of his behaviour matters, the truth is that a close cooperation between Ethiopia and Eritrea is a bottom line for peace and progress in the region. There is a growing trend towards this effect.

Since the last two years, both Isaias Afeworki and Meles Zenawi had confessed on several occasions that the border issue was a pretext for their disagreements on other policies. More reliably, the sense of those interviews of Mr. Meles and Mr. Isaias tell that the boundary issue is a symptom and not the main problem between the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments. As such, it is not a matter of whether you win or lose at Badme; it is a matter of what you are going to do when you win? Thereof, promoting the border issue by any force as the main obstacle for stability is a wasting of time and political gimmick.

The two leaders have been reluctant to deal with the issues between themselves. Each one of the two governments has adopted emotional, reckless policies against the interest of both peoples. Those have caused the loss of inalienable ties between the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea. As such, the border issue is a bankrupt pretext which has been blocking bilateral cooperation and further possibilities for socio-economic integration. The governments have been accusing each other for their failure to bring cooperation between these two sisterly nations. Such circumstances are particularly contributing to Eritrea being in limbo and whispering. As people, understanding popular interests without being intimidated is essential.

Actually, the political games between the two leaderships currently seem in tremendous crises. All those frustrations could yet push into a further war. However, the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea would have to courageously do their best to mitigate possible casualties and facilitate such situations for their common progress and stability.

The primary needs are to revise and reconcile our common values no matter who has been at fault. Of course it has to be done carefully. The differences between our peoples are reconcilable in their nature as far as we are capable of applying the opportunities in a wise manner.

The first step needs to be an exit strategy from the apparent hostilities between these two governments. A general negotiation for a diplomatic relationship has to be inspired in any way. Subsequently, it will be required that an examination of the fundamental points of social and economic reciprocity between Ethiopia and Eritrea be undertaken. It is essential to start with mutual respect and realities.

Reasons for reciprocity:

Eritrea may use the opportunity of her most focal point of interest with Ethiopia in regard to the Red Sea. Cooperation with Ethiopia can motivate Eritrean socio-economic development. Sudan, Djibouti and Yemen do not need Eritrean port services, because all of them have their own access to the sea. In that regard, Eritrea has few options to use her maritime resources, unless she closely cooperates with Ethiopia.

Ethiopia, after her withdrawal from Massawa and Assab, has established major routes through Djibouti. Although Ethiopia may pay high operational costs, she has been maintaining her commercial routes better than imagined. In this regard, Eritrea and Djibouti are likely to be transformed into rivals over the same Ethiopian interests. Therefore, competition between these two outlets is going to be in favour of the Ethiopian choice for commercial access. Thus the geo-strategic influence that Eritrea could have benefitted over the Ethiopian interest along the Red Sea has turned against her by showing that Ethiopia is more economically influential over Eritrea.

However, the Eritrean Red Sea is not only for commercial access, but has a massive attraction for naval capacity in the region. It is obvious that Ethiopia needs guaranteed access to the Red Sea for ports and related services. Many Ethiopians say that the port of Assab has to be acquired by Ethiopia, which cannot be a bilateral solution. In general, that cannot yield an overall strategic shield over Ethiopian sovereignty in respect to the surrounding geopolitics. Hence, Eritrea and Ethiopia can develop together in several ways.

In my speculation, Ethiopia will seek to negotiate on various services to build a solid confidence with Eritrea. Therefore, Eritrea may need to revise the outcome of her geographical location on domestic and international economies (geo-economics) notably with respect to the Red Sea. Those initiatives and other interests can bring basic reciprocal obligations and may grow into harmonious relations. First, let Ethiopia and Eritrea simply trade each other.

This is not only about the point of economic reciprocity between Ethiopia and Eritrea; more importantly, it should be an example of reconciliation of our values for national and regional security. Such interrelations may also avoid proxy conflicts from within and from other directions. Those can bring a form of stabilized progress in the Horn of Africa. As such, it is good for Eritrea and good for Ethiopia!

Mishandling of these vital issues, I think, would cause threats of conflicts in different directions at any time. As such, parts of the Afar regions, both in Eritrea and Ethiopia have the possibility of becoming areas of major conflicts concerning the Ethiopian needs of access to the Red Sea. There would also be growing pressure from Ethiopia over its Tigray region in regard to the unfavourable circumstances between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Consequently, Eritrea, on top of her deteriorated social and economic situation could badly suffer for various loads that may be exerted from Ethiopia. On the other hand, Ethiopia may retard her economic growth and face social instability. Other forces mainly from abroad may take advantage of our inconvenient situations and engage us in proxy conflicts. We cannot ignore unfortunate possibilities. We do not have to take improper advantage of each other, nor do we need to get our peoples into such instabilities. Let us consider historical ties, border attachments, as well as other sentiments are psychological influences. Let us wisely plan for a win-win solution.

As far as common negotiations are imperative for progress and stability, any Eritrean government has to look at what can benefit the Eritrean people and approach Ethiopia with better policies. Any government in Ethiopia may be required to address the strategic interest with Eritrea and sincerely approach any government in Eritrea. Both may draft proposals of prerequisites that will verify common interests and respect public opinions. Establishment of agreements may be needed before it is too late for economic and geopolitical reasons.

The Ethio-Eritrean public roles are demanding:

The involvement of the Ethiopian and Eritrean public into discussions will enable us to review our common interests and push any governments in office for their implementation. Collectively, we have to raise our minds to build full confidence between the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia. I am an Eritrean by birth, and my writing is intended to contribute a glimmer of hope towards a bilateral understanding on our reciprocal values.

As far as good wishes are concerned, educating our peoples is definitely important for a common knowledge. Although policy makers may have to do deep analysis on various issues, public discussions ought to be carried out at any opportunity for mutual understanding over important concepts. Thus, people may dialogue on common points such as: What are the diverse attitudes of many Ethiopians and Eritreans concerning mutual interests? Where do the opportunities and threats lie? What policies need to be revised in order to approach major concerns? What are the certain valuable points of reciprocity that may be imperative to bind both parties? Many issues will need to be addressed by both parties in amicable ways. Hence, we may need to control our emotions to deal with realities.

If we are to be in a peaceful place, then both peoples must be courageous to agree and devise a road map for strategic principles. Peace is not about the present situation, it is more about the future generations. Let us open the doors!

Bibliography:

The Settlement of Boundary Disputes in International Law, by Dr. A.O. Cukwurah, 1967
International Dispute Settlement 3rd edition, by J.G. Merrills, 1998
www.boundaries.com for more publications

10 February, 2010

Hun Sen rebuked for criticism of Abhisit



PRIME Minister Hun Sen’s recent criticisms of Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva may render the resumption of normal relations “impossible”, a senior Thai official was quoted as saying Monday.

During his high-profile trip to the Thai-Cambodian border this past weekend, Hun Sen repeatedly accused Thailand of invading Cambodian territory, saying Abhisit had “no family honour”.

Chawanon Intharakomansut, secretary to the Thai foreign minister, said this language “should not have come from a prime minister of any country”, Thailand’s Bangkok Post wrote Monday.

“I have to apologise to the Cambodian people that up until today, all Thai people and the government have wanted to resume relationships with Cambodia in all fields,” Chawanon said.“But criticising the Thai premier so badly damages Thailand’s dignity, and that will make it even more difficult to normalise ties.”

Speaking at Royal Cambodian Armed Forces Base 42 in Oddar Meanchey province’s Banteay Ampil district on Monday, Hun Sen focused vitriol on Thailand’s occupation of the Wat Keo Sekha Kirisvarak pagoda, in territory adjacent to Preah Vihear temple that is claimed by both sides.

In Oddar Meanchey’s Trapaing Prasat district on Tuesday, the prime minister said Cambodia may resort to evicting the Thai troops from the pagoda by force.

“It is not clear whether these Thai soldiers will withdraw through negotiation or by being pushed back by the armed forces,” Hun Sen said. “[Thailand] has weapons. I have weapons, too.”

13 January, 2010

Kasit hangs tough on renewing ties with Cambodia

13/01/2010
Bangkok Post


Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya is insisting normal diplomatic relations with Cambodia cannot resume until Phnom Penh ends its relationship with former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

In a tit-for-tat response to Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong's rejection on Monday of Thailand's demand that Thaksin be dismissed as economic adviser to Phnom Penh, Mr Kasit yesterday refused to budge on the question of ties.

Mr Kasit accused Cambodia of creating the diplomatic row by interfering in Thailand's judicial process in not extraditing Thaksin and by appointing him as its economic adviser.

The Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Political Office Holders sentenced Thaksin in October 2008 to two years in jail on charges of abuse of power while he was prime minister between 2001 and 2006 by helping his wife secure the purchase of a prime real estate development site on Ratchadaphisek Road.

Cambodia refused to honour an extradition treaty with Thailand when Bangkok sought Thaksin's return after he travelled to Phnom Penh in mid-November last year to take up his post as economic adviser.

Both nations subsequently recalled their ambassadors and other senior embassy staff.

The ambassadors have yet to return to their posts.

Meanwhile, Sivarak Chutipong, the Thai engineer convicted in Cambodia on Dec 8 on charges of spying, yesterday thanked the government and the opposition Puea Thai Party for their help while he was held in detention in Phnom Penh.

Mr Sivarak, accompanied by his mother Simarak na Nakhon Phanom and his younger brother Pongsuree, visited Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva at Government House to express his thanks for the government's assistance while he faced charges in Cambodia, government spokesman Panithan Wattanayakorn said.

The Thai engineer, who works for Cambodia Air Traffic Services, was pardoned by the Cambodian king on Dec 12 after being convicted of supplying the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh with Thaksin's flight schedule. Mr Sivarak also visited Mr Kasit yesterday to thank him as well.

He and his family earlier visited the Puea Thai Party headquarters to express their gratitude to Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, the party's chairman, Thaksin's legal adviser Noppadol Pattama and Puea Thai spokesman Prompong Nopparit for their assistance that led to his release.

Mrs Simarak also thanked Gen Chavalit and the party for helping her son return to work in Cambodia.

Laos first stop as P Penh goes complaining

Bangkok Post
11/01/2010

A small story sometimes has big implications. What is happening between Cambodia and Laos nicely fits this definition.

Cambodian Deputy Foreign Minister Long Visalo went to Vientiane last Tuesday. His mission to the northern neighbour was clear. The Cambodian government wanted to brief Laos about its dispute with Thailand.

In the Laotian capital, Long Visalo lectured some 200 Lao Foreign Ministry officials on the history of Preah Vihear, the ruling by the International Court of Justice in 1962 that the Hindu temple belonged to his country, as well as Cambodia's right to list it as a World Heritage Site under the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation in July 2008.

The Cambodian deputy minister also told his hosts about the border dispute between his country and Thailand, which started after the latter country made a U-turn on its previous stance which had been in support of Cambodia's attempt to list Preah Vihear as a World Heritage Site.

The Cambodian campaign cannot be seen as anything but the start of its efforts to drum up backing from other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to help sort out the border conflict with Thailand for good.

And Laos will not be the only stop in this tactic. On the list, of course, are Burma and Vietnam (the latter is scheduled to take the Asean chair till December).

Phnom Penh's strategy is to turn the dispute over the overlapping land boundary of 4.6 square kilometres into a regional issue by trying to bring in the involvement of other Asean members.

Thailand thinks otherwise, with its intention to keep the matter as a quarrel between two neighbours which should be settled by the two neighbours only.

The more countries jumping in, the more difficult it will be to resolve the problem.

The talks in Vientiane did not cover the issue of ousted Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra - at least as far as the information made public shows.

But then again, the Thaksin issue is not a main factor at all for Cambodia.

Ending Thaksin's role as an economic adviser to Phnom Penh is Bangkok's condition for diplomatic normalisation with Cambodia. No country can stand seeing its citizen, who has been sentenced to jail, given recognition by another government.

But for Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, the root cause goes beyond last year when he added Thaksin to the long list of advisers to his government. It began right there on the border between Cambodia' Preah Vihear province and Kantaralak district in Si Sa Ket province.

The whole issue is about the temple and the land dispute in that area.

"You raise the issue of Thaksin, but you forget the issue of Preah Vihear," Hun Sen said in October, during one of his verbal onslaughts on Thailand.

It is not difficult for anybody to guess that there is no way in sight for the two countries to end the sour ties, given their vastly different positions which are beyond the reach of a compromise. But, as Asean members, they cannot leave relations festering this way, either. Other countries view what is happening between Thailand and Cambodia as an obstruction to Asean's attempts to bring unity into the club which, five years from now, is to become one single community. However, what can other Asean countries do but watch and hope that there will be a miracle to end the two neighbours' quarrel?

Another worry from the Thai-Cambodian spat is that it could spill over to poison ties between Thailand and other members in Asean who are very close to Cambodia. One of them is Laos. The history of their jungle warfare to drive out, first the colonialists and then the Western-supported governments, has made Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam brothers, who also have same positions on issues in Asean. As countries with Thailand as their immediate common neighbour, Cambodia and Laos have long been aware of the rising Thai influence in their country.

So far there are no problems in the relations between Thailand and Laos. But that does not mean everything will go smoothly. Problems still exist but they have been swept under the carpet by Vientiane over the past years because it needed help from Thailand to host the SEA Games last year.

Now the Games are over. Now the Cambodian deputy minister has visited Vientiane. And now the story of Thai-Laos relations in the post-SEA Games era begins.

Saritdet Marukatat is News Editor, Bangkok Post.

30 December, 2009

Somchai:Thaksin to advise Sri Lanka

Bangkok Post
30/12/2009

Sri Lanka, an island country in South Asia, is in preparing to appoint former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra its economic adviser, former prime minister Somchai Wongsawat revealed on Wednesday.

Mr Somchai, Thaksin's brother-in-law, said the government should not worry because Thaksin's role as adviser to Sri Lanka, as well as to Cambodia, would do no harm to Thailand.

Thaksin has already been appointed economic adviser to the Cambodian government and Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Sri Lanka is one of the countries where Thaksin was reported to have frequently visited while on the run after being sentenced to a two-year jail term in the Ratchadapisek land case.

Thaksin advised to play cool

Bangkok Post
30/12/2009

House Speaker Chai Chidchob on Wednesday called on fugitive former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra to play cool as there could be an issuance of amnesty law to pardon all parties to pave way for national reconciliation.

“New year is coming and therefore Thaksin should keep cool and wait for his time. Bhumjaithai Party is ready to support the amnesty bill.

“At that time, the ex-premier will not be jailed and the leaders of the People’s Alliance for Democracy who led the crowds to surround two main airports in Bangkok late last year will be cleared from criminal charges.

“There are ways to create national unity. All parties-the government, the opposition, Thaksin and anti-Thaksin groups must talk it over via peace talks mediated by suitable impartial mediator”, Mr Chai said.

He was confident that the conflict can be peacefully ended via talks. However, he admitted that he did not see the suitable person to act as the mediator at the moment.

The House Speaker suggested the government to stop war of words against the opposition camp and Thaksin and focus on performing duty instead. The government should also ignore criticism by Cambodian leader Hun Sen.

27 December, 2009

PM claims Thais seek to oust him

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 25 December 2009 15:04 Cheang Sokha and James O’toole

Hun Sen says note implicates Thais in bid to destabilise govt.

PRIME Minister Hun Sen on Thursday accused the Thai government of attempting to stage a coup in Cambodia, referencing Thai government documents that he said had been obtained recently.

Speaking at the opening of a new fertiliser factory in Kandal province, Hun Sen said the “secret” documents indicated that plans to oust his government were already in motion.

“I tell you to stop dreaming because I know who is planning this. Just take care of your own country; don’t interfere in Cambodia,” the prime minister said.

Hun Sen added that the documents revealed a plot to kill fugitive former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra, and said Thai agents had already begun working to destabilise the Cambodian government.

“This is a bad plan … there is no other government that has ideas like this,” Hun Sen said. “We know all about what [Thailand] wants to do – you’re trying to create a bad scenario to cause war against Cambodia.”

On Tuesday, Thaksin posted a three-page document on his personal Web site in Thai and English that he said had been sent on November 16 by Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva.

The document referred to Thaksin as the “main threat” against the government of Thailand, adding that “eliminating the main threat” was imperative to maintaining political stability. The prospect of military action against Cambodia was mentioned in a “worst-case scenario”.

The document was originally distributed to reporters in Bangkok last week by Jatuporn Prompan, a parliamentarian from the Thaksin-aligned Puea Thai party. Hun Sen said Thursday, however, that he had obtained his information prior to the revelations in Thailand.

Cambodian officials could not confirm whether the documents in Hun Sen’s possession were the same as those distributed by Jatuporn and Thaksin, though Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said this was likely the case.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

This is a bad plan.... there is no other government that has ideas like this.

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Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs deputy spokesman Thani Thongphakdi said criminal charges had been filed against Jatuporn in connection with the information leak, acknowledging that the document did appear to have originated from the Thai government.

“From the information that we have received, the documents that ... Jatuporn disseminated and read out seem to be official documents, but his interpretation, a lot of it was taken out of context or misinterpreted,” Thani said, declining to comment on Hun Sen’s remarks.

The Thai government is still considering whether to file charges against Thaksin as well, Thani added. Thaksin went into self-imposed exile last year to avoid a jail term for corruption after being ousted from the premiership in a 2006 coup, and Cambodia has refused to extradite him during his controversial visits to the Kingdom as an economic adviser.

According to the English-language document posted on Thaksin’s Web site, Kasit urged caution in dealing with Cambodia but contemplated the possibility of an escalation in tensions.

“The Government’s objective should be normalisation of Thai-Cambodian relations, not regime change,” the document read. Military force, it added, should be considered if Thaksin and Hun Sen “create any incidents which cause any loss of life” or establish a government-in-exile for Thaksin.

Thai government spokesman Panitan Wattanyagorn said Wednesday that an investigation was being launched to determine if and how Jatuporn had come into possession of secret documents. He heavily qualified his statements as he called for patience pending the investigation’s outcome.

“We hope that, in the meantime, countries that are perhaps allegedly involved or allegedly stated in the so-called classified documents would evaluate the situation like we do – with caution,” he said.

Thai-Cambodian ties not improving

Bangkok Post
27/12/2009

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said the government wanted the Thai-Cambodian diplomatic relations improved but it could not disregard the country's sovereignty and pride.

"I admit that the Thai-Cambodian ties have not been smooth but the government must prevent it from troubling public members from the two countries," Mr Abhisit said during his weekly broadcast on Sunday.

In response to criticisms that the government was using diplomatic measures against Cambodia, the prime minister said calling back the Thai ambassador to Phnom Penh was a very light one.

"Taking a diplomatic measure is better than using other methods as they may affect the trade situation and lead to clashes along the border area," he said. "I also feel sorry that some Thai people have laid out more conditions and given certain information to Cambodia, causing the Cambodian leader to continuously criticise the Thai government."

He said if the Cambodian government revised different issues surrounding the Thai-Cambodian row, the Thai government was willing to consider sending back its ambassador to Phnom Penh.

The government has no policy to resort to violence against its neighbouring countries, and also has no policy to intervene in their politics, he said.

26 December, 2009

Where Gods and Soldiers Tend the Border in Cambodia

The New York Times
View Original Source
By DANIEL ROBINSON
December 27, 2009

IN the wet season, the roads through the northwestern region of Cambodia turn into an undulating sea of muck, with potholes the size of cars and ruts as deep as truck axles. To figure out which routes were least likely to leave me wet, muddy and stranded, I buttonholed a dozen long-distance taxi drivers before settling on the toll road from Dam Dek, which had the added attraction of passing by two out-of-the-way Angkorian temples, Beng Mealea and Koh Ker.

My destination was an even more remote Angkor-era complex: Preah Vihear Temple, awesomely perched 1,700 feet above Cambodia’s northern plains, near the country’s border with Thailand. Designated as a Unesco World Heritage Site in 2008 — not without some international controversy — it makes an adventurous alternative to far-better-known Angkor Wat. While several thousand foreign tourists visit the temples of Angkor on a typical day, Preah Vihear Temple gets, on average, just five.

I was traveling with my friend and driver, Hang Vuthy, in a 1991 Toyota Camry with a surprising New York past: according to a window sticker, it had once belonged to a member of the Yonkers Police Captains, Lieutenants and Sergeants Association. Imagining the car in a mid-Atlantic blizzard, it occurred to me that wet-season driving in outback Cambodia is not entirely unlike navigating unplowed snowy side streets. Indeed, for much of our journey we avoided the most treacherous stretches of mire and snaked around potholes of indeterminate depth by religiously following a single serpentine track rendered navigable by earlier cars and trucks.

Preah Vihear Temple — the name means Mountain of the Sacred Temple — is the most spectacularly situated of all Angkorian monuments. Built from the ninth to the 12th centuries atop a peak of the Dangkrek Mountains, it occupies a triangular plateau rising from the Thailand border to a prow-shaped promontory.

An ever-changing architectural, mythological and geological panorama unfolds as visitors progress along the temple’s 2,600-foot-long processional axis, up a series of gently sloping causeways and steep staircases through five gopura, or pavilions, each more sacred than the last.

I began my visit at the bottom of the Monumental Staircase, which, according to the Angkor scholar Vittorio Roveda, “symbolizes the laborious path of faith needed to approach the sacred world of the gods.” The 163 gray sandstone steps, partly carved into the living rock, are flanked by statues of lions and, near the top, two magnificent nagas (seven-headed serpents) facing north toward Thailand. Also intently watching Thai territory were several AK-47-toting Cambodian soldiers in camouflage.

The first structure I came to, called Gopura V by generations of archaeologists, was an airy cruciform construction once topped by wood beams and a terra-cotta tile roof. Many of the stones have tumbled over, but the delicately balanced eastern pediment has survived to become Preah Vihear’s most recognizable icon, appearing on publicity posters, patriotic T-shirts and the new 2,000-riel banknote.

In centuries past, this pavilion was where pilgrims from the plains of Cambodia, having just climbed the steep, mile-long Eastern Staircase (mined and inaccessible for decades but soon to reopen), met their counterparts from what is now Thailand, who had completed a rather less-taxing ascent from the Khorat Plateau.

Alongside a group of saffron-robed monks, I continued north on a majestic, sandstone avenue, 800 feet long, to Gopura IV. There, I came upon a particularly vivid bas-relief depicting the Churning of the Ocean of Milk, a Hindu creation myth in which gods and demons churn the primeval waters to extract the ambrosia of immortality.

Although most of the splendid decorative carvings at Preah Vihear, including this one, depict Vishnu, the temple was originally dedicated to the Hindu god Shiva. In later centuries, it was converted to use as a Buddhist sanctuary, and today many of the visitors are Buddhist pilgrims.

As I continued my ascent, I walked under exquisite lintels and tympanums depicting more scenes from Hindu epics like the Mahabharata, and beneath richly carved double pediments adorned with finials and upturned gable ends — calling cards of Cambodian and Thai architecture to this day. Ancient inscriptions in Khmer and Sanskrit, bearing cryptic details about the history of the temple and the Angkorian kings who built it, were hidden here and there under a patina of lichen.

The temple’s culminating point, geographically and symbolically, is Gopura I, whose mandapa (antechamber) and Central Sanctuary, now a jumbled pile of carved sandstone blocks, are surrounded by galleries that call to mind a French Gothic cloister, except that here the windows are rectilinear and the galleries covered by corbelled vaults. (The Khmers, for all their architectural genius, never mastered the keystone arch.)
The entire structure is inward-looking, its outer walls almost devoid of openings despite the sweeping views just outside. Scholars speculate that while the site was considered holy in part because of its spectacular situation, the ancient architects may have believed that picture windows would distract both priests and pilgrims from their sacred tasks.



As I approached the rocky tip of the promontory, just beyond Gopura I, a breathtaking panorama came into view. Cambodia’s verdant northern plains extended majestically toward the horizon, and in the distance I could just make out Phnom Kulen, about 65 miles to the southwest, where the Khmer Empire was founded in A.D. 802. (Angkor itself lay hidden in the haze, 88 miles away.)

To the east, toward Laos, and the west, the Dangkrek Mountains stretched into the distance in a series of serrated bluffs. Looking north, almost everything I could see was in Thailand, rendered remote and mysterious by its inaccessibility.

Thailand ruled much of northwestern Cambodia, including Preah Vihear Temple, from the late 18th century until 1907, when the French colonial administration forced the Thais to withdraw to the current international frontier; Cambodian sovereignty over Preah Vihear was confirmed by the International Court of Justice in 1962.

Thailand, despite unresolved land claims, initially supported Cambodia’s Unesco bid for World Heritage status, but the temple soon became a pawn in Thai and Cambodian domestic politics, unleashing nationalist passions in both countries.

In July 2008, according to Cambodian authorities, Thai soldiers intruded into Cambodian territory near the temple. The Thai government denied that any border violations had taken place. Since then, a total of at least seven soldiers from both sides have been killed in intermittent exchanges of fire, according to local news reports. At the time of my visit, though, the frontier had been quiet for several months.

Curious about what the standoff actually looked like, I asked my guide, conveniently a moonlighting army officer, if I could get a glimpse of the Thais. He took me to the bottom of the Monumental Staircase, where I could hear the distant sounds of war — air-raid sirens and shooting — but the combat was taking place on a tiny television, which off-duty soldiers were watching with rapt attention.

We walked along a forest trail past a volleyball court and trenches, passing soldiers in hammocks with their wives stealing a moment of intimacy in an encampment with little privacy, to a forest clearing with a bamboo table at the center.

About 20 yards in front of us stood a line of neatly built bunkers; uniformed men could be seen among the dark green sandbags. “So those are Cambodian soldiers?” I asked, trying to get my bearings. “No,” my guide answered, “those are Thais. Over there” — he turned 180 degrees and pointed to a line of bunkers 20 yards in the other direction — “are Cambodians.” The table, I realized, marked the midpoint of no-man’s land.

The Cambodians’ front-line bunkers, made of disintegrating sandbags sprouting grass, were shaded by blue and green tarpaulins and surrounded by orderly gardens. Their raised observation post, topped by a thatched roof, looked as if it might have been on loan from “Gilligan’s Island.” I was in the middle of a very un-Korean Panmunjom, a laid-back, tropical version of Christmas 1914 on the Western Front.

I soon learned that the Cambodian soldiers stationed there call the site Sambok Kmom, or beehive, because, they say, the area’s many wild bees leave Cambodians unmolested but set upon any Thai who encroaches on Cambodian land. Moved by national feeling, domestic tourists wearing krama (traditional checked scarves that serve as something of a Cambodian national symbol) wandered by, distributing cigarettes and other morale-boosting gifts to the soldiers who were deployed to help the bees protect Cambodian sovereignty.

Around the clearing, soldiers from both sides, unarmed and without body armor or helmets, were relaxing in front of their own front-line bunkers. Cambodian officers seemed to find the bamboo table, shaded by trees tall enough to let breezes through, especially congenial. A few paces away, the Thais had strung a hammock between trees, and one soldier, lounging in a white T-shirt, black combat pants and black military boots, was engrossed in a cellphone call.

Despite the apparent tranquillity, I knew that if the order were given, the men on both sides of the invisible line would not hesitate to shoot. In fact, many of the Cambodian troops stationed around Preah Vihear are battle-hardened former Khmer Rouge fighters. For now, though, relations are casual and, I was told, some wary friendships have developed.

The best staging point for a visit to Preah Vihear Temple is Sra Em (also spelled Sa Em), 19 miles by road from the temple. Two years ago, it was a sleepy crossroads hamlet with a single grimy restaurant and one rundown guesthouse. These days, in the wake of the area’s military buildup, it feels like a Gold Rush boomtown, with haphazardly parked four-wheel-drives instead of tethered horses; karaoke bars sporting pink fluorescent lamps and colored lights, instead of saloons; and the gleanings of Cambodia’s recently doubled defense budget, instead of gold nuggets glinting in the stream. Armed men in camouflage uniforms abound.

Sra Em’s accommodation options are rudimentary, to put it politely. My room’s star amenity was a cold-water spigot for filling the plastic bucket used both to bathe and to flush, and below the cheap plastic mirror and its public access comb, dust bunnies had formed around the hair of guests past. Each time I returned to my room, I found a dead cricket, a new one every day, hinting, perhaps, at the presence of some sinister insecticide.

Preah Vihear Temple is, obviously, not quite ready for mainstream tourism. During the two days I spent at the temple in October, I saw only four other Westerners, including an unhappy German couple whose day trip from Angkor Wat had been rather more trying than expected, and perhaps 50 or so Cambodian tourists. But intrepid travelers who brave the diabolical (though improving) roads, substandard accommodations and alarming government travel advisories are richly rewarded.

For 40 generations, Hindu and Buddhist pilgrims have trekked to this temple, seeking to ascend toward the holy and the transcendent. Today, the awe-inspiring nature of this Angkorian masterpiece, accentuated by the challenges of getting there, confer on every trip the aura of a pilgrimage.

NAIL-BITING TAXI TRIPS AND A VOLCANO AT YOUR TABLE

GETTING THERE

With the visa-free crossing from Thailand closed for the foreseeable future, getting to Preah Vihear Temple requires battling Cambodia’s famously potholed roads, which are at their worst during the wet season (about June to October).

Share-taxis, which have no set schedule and depart when full, link Sra Em with Siem Reap via the former Khmer Rouge stronghold of Anlong Veng ($7.50 a person; 130 miles; three hours) and with the provincial capital of Tbeng Meanchey ($6.50; 65 miles; two hours). The U.S. dollar is widely accepted.

The taxis, usually “jacked-up” Toyota Camrys, carry six or seven passengers in addition to the driver, so if you want the front seat to yourself you’ll have to pay two fares. Ante up six times the single fare and you’ve got yourself a private taxi.

From Sra Em, a ride to Kor Muy on the back of a motorbike will run about $3.75. Then the three-mile ride up the mountain to Preah Vihear Temple, on a concrete road whose gradients will impress even San Franciscans, is $5 by motorbike or $20 to $25 by four-wheel-drive pickup.

WHERE TO STAY

Glassless windows, sinkless bathrooms, towels with the absorptive capacity of a plastic bag, fans that run only when a generator is sputtering outside your window (usually from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m.) and laissez-faire housekeeping are, alas, the norm in Sra Em’s guesthouses. I should have stayed at the 25-room Tuol Monysophon (855-99-620-757), which opened this year. A brown, barn-like structure topped with a red tile roof, it has basic rooms downstairs with private baths, mosquito nets and wood-plank floors, for $10; smaller upstairs rooms with shared facilities are $7.50. To get there from the triangular crossroads, head west (toward Anlong Veng) for 500 yards.

WHERE TO EAT

The Preah Vihear area’s best restaurant, hands down, is Sra Em’s Pkay Prek Restaurant (855-12-636-617), an unpretentious complex of open-air, fluorescent-lit pavilions with plenty of geckos. The specialty is phnom pleoung (hill of fire; $3.75), a meat and veggie feast you grill yourself at your table on an aluminum “volcano” suspended above glowing coals.

SAFETY

Before setting out to Preah Vihear Temple, check the Phnom Penh Post (phnompenhpost.com), the Cambodia Daily or other reliable sources to make sure that Thai-Cambodian tensions are not rising.

According to the Cambodian Mine Action Center (www.cmac.org.kh), the immediate vicinity of the temple is now safe, having been cleared in recent years of more than 8,800 anti-personnel mines. However, nearby areas are still heavily mined, so do not, under any circumstances, wander off the footpaths.

WHAT TO READ

The most useful guidebook in English (and Thai) to the temple’s architecture, symbolism and history is “Preah Vihear” by Vittorio Roveda (Bangkok: River Books, 2000), but it may be difficult to find.

Ousted PM's popularity knows no boundaries

Bangkok Post
26/12/2009

Cambodians living across the border from Thailand's northeastern provinces idolise ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, a study shows.

The initial findings of the research conducted by National University of Singapore senior lecturer Peter Vail for the Thailand Research Fund were unveiled on Tuesday.

They show border people in Cambodia, due to their geographical proximity to Thailand, are impressed with the former prime minister and the populist policies implemented when he was in power.

"They [survey respondents] also enjoyed discussing polarised Thai domestic politics and we could see several effigies in these areas slandering Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva," said Mr Vail, who is also attached to the Mekong Sub-region Social Research Centre at Ubon Ratchathani University.

The northern Cambodians related to the red shirt group and found the yellow shirts were backward-looking people who wanted to steal Cambodian land and artefacts, he said, adding that they might also want to talk about Cambodian politics but they could not.

"They simply said they did not like [Cambodian Prime Minister] Hun Sen but wanted Hun Sen to introduce populist projects like Thaksin did to Thailand," the researcher said.

Northern Cambodians also disapproved of the Thai-Cambodian spat over Phnom Penh's campaign to list Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site.

"They just want to do business and make money," Mr Vail said. "They simply want better livelihoods, helped by border trade."

His research project, due to be completed in April, targets different groups of Cambodians such as those with employment experience in Thailand, those working for Thai enterprises in Cambodia, those with Thai kinship connections, former refugees who returned home, and monks and teachers.

The research, titled "Cambodia Discourse on Thailand in their Social and Cultural Daily Life", is based on field trips to Preah Vihear, Oddar Meanchey and Siem Reap provinces. The first two Cambodian provinces are opposite Ubon Ratchathani, Si Sa Ket and Buri Ram. The temple is on Cambodian soil opposite Kantharalak district in Si Sa Ket.

"The first group of interviewees based their conflicts with Thailand on Khmer culture authenticity, history and ownership," he said.

He said Thais living along the border provinces with Cambodia could play a role in correcting mistrust and building a culture of understanding between the two peoples.
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