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were taken to the nearest hospital or clinic for medical assistance.
25 August, 2012
Haitian Paint Firm to Begin Operations at Caracol Industrial Park This Year
July 25, 2012
By the Caribbean Journal staff
Peintures Caraibes, the first Haitian tenant at Haiti’s new Caracol Industrial Park, expects to hire around 160 workers and begin operations there this year.
The paint manufacturer, which will continue operating its factory in Port-au-Prince, was the second tenant to sign on at the park, which is a project financed by the Inter-American Development Bank and the United States government.
21 June, 2012
Promise of jobs spurs development debate in Haiti
By JACQUELINE CHARLES - McClatchy Newspapers
12 June 2012
CARACOL, Haiti -- It's precisely the kind of development that just about everyone has been saying Haiti needs: foreign governments pooling dollars to build housing, create jobs and foster hope.
But a $300 million investment to help create tens of thousands of textile jobs in this rural northern village has reignited debate over whether banking on Haiti's past as a garment assembly capital will bring the kind of social and economic development needed to lift the country out of abject poverty. Some argue the funds are better invested in agricultural projects to feed the country and boost farmers.
28 December, 2011
The Flanarant: Debunking the garment industry myths of 2011
China's share of US apparel imports grew to just about their highest ever in September. Oh, and the average price per square metre of Chinese clothing imported into the US rose more slowly, for the third straight month, than the price of clothing from the rest of the world.
As these numbers were being published, four garment factories were being closed in Honduras - because "it's getting too expensive to work here, so everyone's moving to Nicaragua", the local trade association claimed. And the world's largest garment maker decided to pull out of Guatemala, with locals there also claiming garment making was getting too expensive.
Yes, that was in 2011. And no, you've not accidentally stumbled across a web page from 2008.
But surely China's getting too expensive? Isn't "everyone" getting out of China as fast as they can? Aren't garment factories in Central America "rammed" as US buyers are flocking there? Just as European buyers are pouring into Turkey, and Japanese buyers are sourcing from anywhere in Asia with a sewing machine, as long as it's not China?
According to a new Clothesource survey available from just-style - 'Is there an alternative to China as the dominant location for apparel sourcing?' - there's been a huge amount of confusion recently about the competitiveness of Chinese textiles and apparel.
But more importantly, much of the world apparel trade has a much bigger problem to deal with.
China's share (by weight) of US apparel imports in September rose to 48.95%; just a shade below the all-time record for China's share set in September 2009 of 49.3%. And this is way, way up on the 23.5% China got in March of this year.
Few buyers are likely to worry too much, though. They're all a great deal more concerned that sluggish retail apparel sales (when measured in volume, rather than inflated current prices) mean they're selling fewer clothes.
And worse still, with imported clothes arriving in US ports on average 17% more expensive than in September 2010, they're unable to persuade shoppers to pay proportionately more.
The numbers vary a bit for EU or Japanese retailers and brands - but the general trend's the same. China's not the problem anymore. Throughout the West, retail garment sales are falling, however much the media obscures this by quoting annual changes in cash, rather than the number of garments sold.
And as costs are growing, retailers' margins are tumbling to levels that customers just won't allow to be reflected in higher prices.
Myths mount upThe real world has already moved on, way past the "uncompetitive China" hysteria of the past few months. The "China flight" myth must surely now join all the earlier myths: from "quota restrictions will never come off garment imports from Asia" (everyone in China: 2004-2006) to "China will put every other garment producer out of business" (every American textile lobbyist, morning, noon and night, since about the day the Pilgrim Fathers landed).
It might be a good Christmas party game to speculate what's going to replace it, either among the debunked myths, or as the media's 'Textile Industry Fad of the Month'.
For example:
- "Everyone's going to Central America" is showing dangerous signs of being debunked even before it ever gets to be a media fad. At the beginning of 2011, US apparel imports from CAFTA, Mexico and Haiti combined were up 21% (measured by volume) on 2010. That growth stopped in June - and by September, apparel imports from the region were 10% down on 2010. Within the CAFTA-DR countries as a whole (Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador), things have got even worse, with US apparel imports down 12% in September. Though imports from Mexico and Haiti aren't growing, they're scarcely down.
- "The Chinese market's growing so fast they don't want foreign customers any more" sounded pretty unbelievable earlier in 2012, when first heard from major buyers. But with output from Chinese garment factories just 6.7% up on 2010 in the July-September quarter, such stories are getting rarer. What was actually going on at the time was something rather more subtle: Chinese factories weren't refusing foreign buyers - they were refusing foreign buyers' attempts to sell unprofitably.
- "There's more competition among buyers to find suppliers than among suppliers to find buyers." If that really were true, factories wouldn't be closing in Honduras and Guatemala. While at the height of the "China's got uncompetitive" myth, it WAS often tough to find factories, these things almost always right themselves. Korean multinational Sae-E is closing in Guatemala mainly because it's developing a 20,000 worker complex in Haiti. 52 new factories have been registered this year in Cambodia. India's announced 21 new Textile Parks - and with the rupee hitting its lowest-ever level against the US dollar in late November, Indian garment makers may have the incentive to fill them with new factories. The "uncompetitive China" fad sparked off a flood of new investment in capacity, and it's possible we'll see a world garment factory glut by 2012 or 2013.
- "Garments will just keep on getting pricier" might never make it to myth status: for most spinners, weavers, garment makers and buyers, the crucial driver has been the cotton price, which peaked back in March. With global cotton production likely to be greater than demand for the next year or so, Indian devaluation and a (possibly short-lived) boom in new factories, it's impossible to predict how long the current level of producer prices will stick.
Low wage countries lead productionMuch of the garment industry - and much of the media commentating about it - really hasn't got over the shock of seeing most rich country garment production sail off to Asia, and keep prices tumbling for almost two decades as a result.
Some believe, deep down there's an infinite number of potential new countries the industry hasn't discovered, and when they're discovered, prices will collapse all over again. Others believe that the whole period was an aberration, caused by the Chinese playing with their currency, or Bangladeshis working for nothing, and that sooner or later it'll all get back to normal.
Both groups are equally deluded. As long as there's a huge disparity between wages around the world, as long as factories in low-wage countries keep on improving their efficiency, and as long as barriers to global trade remain low, labour-intensive products are going to be made in low-wage countries.
It'll take decades for wage disparities to disappear, there's no real pressure for rich countries to re-erect trade barriers, and most successful garment factories are committed to continuous improvement.
On the other hand, it's tough to see another dramatic game-changing innovation that will transform garment making economics as dramatically as moving production to poorer countries. If Uzbekistan, say, or Laos, ever develop a large-scale garment industry, at most it'll add just a bit of extra competition.
The success of offshore factories in competing with each other on efficiency and quality of service will go through ups and downs, driven by management competence and commitment and by host government actions. Governments will intermittently help or undermine them with the quality of transport infrastructure, the honesty and competence of officials, the inflation, interest levels and exchange rates their economic policies produce, as well as the reliability of energy supply, and the safety of personnel and property.
Relative strengths and weaknesses - of countries and of corporations - will be in constant flux. And, by and large, by the time most media (with the permanent exception of just-style, of course) have found out who's strong and who's weak, the wheel will have moved on.
In all this, there'll be just two constants. As we show in 'Is there an alternative to China as the dominant location for apparel sourcing?', for most readers' lifetimes China will remain the dominant force in global garment and textile manufacture. And the media will trot out a new 'Fad of the Month' more or less every four weeks.
06 October, 2011
Haiti: garment bosses fight new unionization drive
Source: World War 4 Report
Weekly News Update on Tue, 10/04/2011
The management of two Port-au-Prince apparel factories owned by wealthy and powerful Haitians—Gerald Apaid and former presidential candidate Charles Henri Baker—fired a total of five officers of a new garment workers union between Sept. 23 and Sept. 25, a little more than a week after the union announced its formation. Johny Deshommes, a spokesperson for the Textile and Garment Workers Union (SOTA), lost his job at Apaid's Genesis S.A. factory on Sept. 23 when he asked to be allowed to go home because of a fever. Three other members of SOTA's executive committee, Brevil Claude, Wilner Eliacint and Cénatus Vilaire, were fired on Sept. 25 when they tried to meet with the human resources director to discuss Deshommes' firing; Genesis management brought in two police agents to intimidate and threaten the unionists before they were allowed to leave. SOTA's secretary, Mitial Rubin, was fired from Baker's One World Apparel after he had leafleted workers outside the factory.
A third apparel company in the capital, Richard Coles' Multiwear SA, fired union member Hilaire Jean-François on Sept. 30, and there are reports of harassment of other unionists.
The factories, located in the National Industrial Parks Company (Sonapi) facility near the Port-au-Prince airport, are tax-exempt assembly plants producing largely for export (known in Spanish as maquiladoras). None of the SONAPI factories are unionized, and unions have been kept out of most Haitian assembly plants, although the leftist group Batay Ouvriye ("Workers' Struggle") succeeded in organizing a union in 2004 at the assembly plants in Ouanaminthe at the Dominican border in the Northeast department.
SOTA's formation was announced on Sept. 15 at a press conference in Port-au-Prince with representatives of Batay Ouvriye. Representatives of Haitian and international organizations also attended, including Camille Charlmers, executive secretary of the Haitian Platform Advocating an Alternative Development (PAPDA), and Víctor Báez Mosqueira, secretary general of the Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (CSA-TUCA). The union has registered with Haiti's Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor (MAST).
The firings have received some international attention: the General Union of Guadeloupe Workers (UGTG), which led a 44-day general strike in the French Caribbean colony of Guadeloupe in 2008, denounced the companies' actions and declared its solidarity with SOTA. Batay Ouvriye has announced plans to file complaints with the Haitian authorities about the situation, and the group is asking solidarity activists to email the factory owners and the Association des Industries d'Haïti (ADIH, a factory owners' group) demanding the reinstatement of the unionists and full collective bargaining rights for assembly plant workers. The emails can be sent to Mr. Gerard Apaid/Genesis at gapaid33166@yahoo.com; Mr. Charles Henry Baker/One World Apparel at chbaker@pbapparel.com; Mr. Richard Coles/Multiwear at rcoles@multitex.com; and ADIH at administration@adih.ht, with copies to Batay Ouvriye at batay@batayouvriye.org. (AlterPresse, Haiti, Sept. 16, Sept. 29, Sept. 30; Batay Ouvriye press release, Sept. 27, via anarkismo.net, press release Oct. 1 via email)
In other labor news, the Association of Elementary School Teachers of Port-au-Prince Municipal Schools (ASIEMP) threatened to start an open-ended strike in the capital on Oct. 4, the day after schools open for the fall, to demand five months' back pay the union says is owed to a group of 800 teachers. The week before, on Sept. 28, some 30 members and supporters of the National Union of Haitian Teachers (UNNOH) marched in Port-au-Prince to demand that President Michel Martelly ("Sweet Micky") promulgate a law regulating school fees. Parliament passed the law in 2009, but it has never gone into effect. The marchers also demanded reinstatement of laid-off teachers and restoration of a bonus; they expressed doubts that the president really intends to carry out a plan he has announced for free public education. (AlterPresse, Sept. 29; Haïti Libre, Haiti, Sept. 30)
From Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 2.
23 September, 2011
Haiti - Economy : Great first Haitian to the Apparel Sourcing Show
29/08/2011
On the program of Apparel Sourcing : eady-to-wear for men, women, and children's fashion for the first time fashion accessories (bags, shoes, hats, scarves...)
In addition to the pavilions of the largest garment-producing countries such Texprocil, Trade Development Authority of Pakistan (TDAP), Hong Kong Trade Development Council (HKTDC) and China Textile and Apparel Trade Fair (CTAF), a new transatlantic offer was introduced, with Haiti which comes for the first time in Europe.
Haitians are among "the most active of the market by providing a large part of the North American production." Their presence to the Apparel Sourcing and in Europe is a first for the industry of Haiti. For a long monopolized by the U.S. market, it takes advantage of the new sourcing organization to develop its market by concentrating on other continents and new partnerships.
The cluster Haiti Textiles Industry will introduce its products, its production capacity and of creation at the show." Its offer is particularly interesting in terms of cost/minute, of quality and an possibility to enter the U.S. market in a free zone for the brands wishing to develop their markets in the United States.
According to organizers, "Apparel Sourcing" is "the ideal platform for order givers who opt for small batch orders."
PI/ HaitiLibre
15 August, 2010
Uncovering jobs a major challenge since Haiti earthquake
Source: Los Angeles Times, 12 August 2010
Even before the disaster, unemployment was estimated at 70% or higher. Reconstruction will help many, but projects are years away.
Women line up to add their names to a job list at the Corail-Cesselesse camp for displaced people on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince, Haiti. (Alexandre Meneghini / Associated Press / July 8, 2010)
Reporting from Port-au-Prince, Haiti —
Milien's rippling arms are now idle. Haiti's earthquake not only toppled his home but dried up his work. His meager savings are spent.
"We used to have a possibility of finding work from time to time," Milien said in the hastily fashioned shack he shares with six family members. "A lot of the people who used to give me work, give me hope — a lot of them are dead now."
More than six months since the Jan. 12 quake flattened much of Port-au-Prince, one of the biggest challenges facing the recovery effort is finding work for untold thousands of Haitians who lost their toehold in the economy, or never had one.
Hard hit were craftsmen, street vendors and day laborers, plus small-time business owners — shopkeepers, garage owners — with modest workforces. The quake deepened a jobs crisis in Haiti, where unemployment was already estimated at 70% or higher.
Earthquake victims and officials say the battered country may never get back on its feet if employment doesn't get a boost. Haiti's economy is expected to shrink by 8% this year.
"If you don't have jobs, you have a situation where people are looking for and receiving free services that disrupt local markets," said Carleene H. Dei, USAID mission director in Haiti. "That's not tenable."
Quick fixes are in short supply.
Planners envision new industrial parks that would employ thousands of Haitians, for example, and they see potential in an expanded agricultural sector. But it could take years to erect factories and reestablish businesses felled by the magnitude 7.0 quake. Reconstruction projects are likely to offer plenty of work, but the commission that will oversee them is barely underway.
And the grand talk of remaking their nation rings hollow to many Haitians who have listened to lofty promises before but never been able to climb out of misery.
The most immediate remedy has been to hire Haitians on a temporary basis to clear rubble and trash and clean drainage channels. USAID pays $5 a day to about 20,000 people. Some aid groups compensate camp dwellers with food.
Pressure to find work has been more acute since food giveaways ended in the 1,300 makeshift encampments a few months ago. Haitian President Rene Preval said the handouts undermined Haitian producers.
The jobless manage as they always did, pooling money and food. But now many more are without work, including those with catch-as-catch-can jobs that didn't count in any official tallies. A survey by the Oxfam relief group found the number of people without work quadrupled in areas of Port-au-Prince and its hard-hit outskirts.
Oxfam offers grants and training for mom-and-pop businesses — masons, tailors, beauticians — to get them back on their feet. USAID-sponsored loans averaging $150 can help small-business owners, the heart of Haiti's modest middle class, to make repairs or maintain operations and hire back employees, officials said.
The Clinton Bush Haiti Fund recently announced $1 million in grants to spur hiring by small and midsized enterprises, such as artisan shops and garment makers.
The Inter-American Development Bank is helping finance construction of an industrial park in northern Haiti and expansion of the government-run complex in Port-au-Prince that is the center of the garment industry.
Haitian apparel factories employ about 25,000 people. Officials say the number of jobs can grow significantly with more plants and investment in water, electricity and other basics.
Congress has passed legislation to increase Haitian exports and boost garment and textile jobs by expanding duty-free access to the U.S. market. Experts say the number of garment jobs could someday reach 450,000, though the work is low-paying.
"The potential is there to increase the number of jobs," said Eduardo Almeida, representative in Haiti for the Inter-American Development Bank. But, "it's going to take time."
That's the last thing unemployed Haitians want to hear.
Riliane Fleurant, 23, peddled beauty supplies downtown before the earthquake destroyed the building where she stored her goods.
"Everything was there," said Fleurant, scrubbing clothes in front of the dirt-floor shack she shares with her boyfriend and son, who was born three days before the quake.
The couple's income dropped from $12 a day to the $2.50 her boyfriend earns selling cosmetics. Fleurant hasn't looked for work and said she has no idea what to do.
"I know how to sew," she offered. "I'm a very good cook."
ken.ellingwood@latimes.com
Copyright © 2010, Los Angeles Times
HAITI: First training centre opens for garment workers
By: just-style.com | 12 August 2010
Moves to rebuild Haiti's textile and apparel industry following the devastating earthquake that hit the country earlier this year have taken another step forward with the opening of its first job training centre for garment workers.The new Haiti Apparel Center (HAC), which was inaugurated yesterday (11 August), will train more than 2,000 people a year to help meet the industry's need for skilled workers.
As well as providing vocational training, the facility should also help Haiti to maximise the benefits of the Haitian Economic Lift Program (HELP) Act, which was signed into law in May and improves US market access for Haitian apparel exports.
"The new training centre will play a key role in developing Haiti's garment industry and leading the nation to a more prosperous and stable path," said Ambassador Kenneth H Merten.
The centre is part of a four-year, $104.8m USAID project to improve the manufacturing skills of workers involved in the textile industry, including sewing machine operators and mechanics, and quality-control supervisors. The facility, which is located in the Sonapi industrial park near the garment factories in and around Port-au-Prince, also offers executive seminars to senior managers, factory owners and leaders in the business community.
"In the last 30 years, the number of skilled garment workers in Haiti has dramatically declined, but we hope to reverse that trend," explained Paul Weisenfeld, USAID's coordinator of the Haiti task team.
He added: "The apparel centre promotes economic recovery and long-term growth and helps Haiti tap into the tremendous potential of the garment industry. It will provide opportunities to improve the lives of thousands by increasing job skills and enabling Haitians to earn more."
As the single largest sector of Haiti's economy, the apparel industry is seen as playing a leading role in the country's overall recovery from the magnitude 7 earthquake that struck the capital Port-au-Prince in January, killing 300,000 people, destroying countless factories and jobs in the process .
Before the disaster, clothing exports to the US were around $512m in 2009, and the industry employed more than 25,000 Haitians.
New laws to help stimulate growth and recovery include the HELP Act, which extends duty-free benefits for some knit and woven apparel products imported into the US from Haiti.
It also promotes investment in Haiti and supports the rebuilding of the garment sector, which is likely to cost $38m to refurbish damaged buildings, replace machinery and train new employees.
However, industry executives told just-style earlier this week that while Haiti's textile and apparel production has neared pre-earthquake levels, reconstruction efforts remain slow and pose a threat to future competition. They claim a mere 3% of the international aid promised in the wake of the disaster has reached the country.
09 March, 2010
Haiti: A Smart Sourcing For Manufacturers
New offshore opportunities are growing from more than just baseballs, apparel and textile manufacturing which has served as the number one job source for Haitians pre-earthquake.
Source: Industrial Week
By Andy English, Director of Sourcing, Blackthorn International
March 8, 2010
When the earthquake ravaged this beautiful Caribbean country it gave it back a relevancy it hasn't seen in decades. The Haiti relief efforts by individuals and neighboring countries are so enormous that direct assist with their economy is a natural second act. New offshore opportunities are growing from more than just baseballs, apparel and textile manufacturing which has served as the number one job source for Haitians pre-earthquake.
Local Advantage
One of the most proven successful ways to step into capacity contracting in Haiti or, setting up one's own brick-and-mortar there, is to cash in on current success and not re-invent the wheel. No one knows the paths to follow more than the local shop owner in Haiti. Why blaze a new trail when the old ones are so well traveled. The primary Haiti skill set is the eagerness and ability to learn.
HOPE for Duty Free Exports
HOPE II has the most generous market access provisions, and the longest duration (10 years), of all the U.S. trade preference programs. The rules of HOPE II are simple, flexible and generous for manufacturers and importers. The program includes a variety of different preference options for apparel, including a capped value-added content rule, capped trade preference levels (TPL)s, and an uncapped single-transformation list of products.
HOPE II also includes a world-class labor standards compliance provision. The program provided for in HOPE II is built upon the Cambodian Better Factories program, which helped Cambodia establish a widely-accepted labor compliance framework for its apparel industry despite the challenge of inadequate governmental capacity.
For men's or boy's dress (CVS fabric) pants, that's nearly 30%. For some products, the duty savings alone can be equal to the cut/make costs of making in a neighboring country. Or, perhaps even though a finishing operation isn't available in Haiti, the garments can be shipped to the Dominican Republic, finished there, and then export back to the U.S. as a duty-free product.
This levels and may tilt the playing field in favor of Haiti exports and production, even when compared to Asian producers. For with all other factors being equal, none have duty free, and are in such proximity to the U.S. for 3 day transit time to Miami by ship.
Haiti's apparel manufacturing past has been filled with customers who focused on products that were generally considered low-dollar, high-volume, and low-skill. The cost formula for these clients was usually one that looked for labor prices that were comparable to the component costs of their commodity products. While famous for t-shirts, Haitian apparel manufacturing has grown in areas that include tailored jackets and tuxedoes, wool top coats, women's coats, men's outlet pants, or fashionable men's and ladies' camp shirt duos.
Medical uniform production has increased since the passage of HOPE, but so has men's and boys' casual pant capacity, with wrinkle-free finishing capacity also available at some facilities. This evolution will continue toward higher-end products, as those customers who are positioning in Haiti, begin to prosper and re-invest time, energy and efforts.
And now there is another reason to position in Haiti. As another humanitarian and supportive gesture, there is now the proposal to U.S. retailers to source as much as 1% of their products in Haiti called Plus One For Haiti. The ramifications of this are tremendous in terms of short-term and long-term efforts to increase employment and the manufacturing capability base of the industry in all of Haiti. Currently 25,000 employees in the industry in Haiti support only about 12 direct customers producing there. By reaching out and increasing that customer number by 3 or 4 times, the industry has a real chance of a true revival and long-term security intended to take the recovery to the next generation and beyond.
Of course, the hope is that Plus One For Haiti will serve as a catalyst for growth by attracting peripheral service businesses such as shipping services, suppliers of trim, machines and parts, banking services to support full-package products, which in turn will support the growth of current operations or new ventures. This is exactly how the Dominican Republic's apparel industry grew in bounds during the late 80's and 90's. Getting in early ensures one positioning of the short and long-term growth of these burgeoning enterprises as well as providing PR cover for the consumers who are determined to do their part by spending on goods that have helped the country.
Sourcing vs. Manufacturing
But how does one go about finding a contractor in Haiti? You must seek contractors who have full capacity and are creative with the terms of venture. It may mean developing a partnership with a Haitian contractor on a new operation by bringing in equipment or management advisors. It may mean allowing their managers to visit your factory to see how to set up a line, or study methods and operations. Or it may include introducing them to your already-established manufacturing partner from another country whose business is at risk due to the pressures of Asia, Haiti or elsewhere, and giving them both an opportunity to create a partnership for you. They might see that having a piece of the pie is better than not having any pie at all. It also provides a higher level of confidence in the developing operation for customers than having to take that ethereal leap of faith with every variable being absolutely new.
There is no substitute for knowing your own business, including knowing your own sewing and cutting methods. Being able to pass those methods onto your Haitian contractor will demonstrate and promote a higher level of trust and long term commitment between contractor and customer than just bringing product and waiting for the fruit to fall. One example of this, might be to find that it's possible to break into pieces, either the garment or the process to manufacture the garment, concentrating the efforts in Haiti on sewing, while sourcing the cutting, wash or other finishing process in the DR or elsewhere regionally. Haiti doesn't possess all of the facilities for every type of garment, but after 30+ years of apparel manufacturing history, their neighbor to the east most likely does. If one can learn to use the entire island's resources, as some already have learned -- the Haiti is a winning formula.
Andy English is Director of Sourcing for Blackthorn International. He has been sourcing production in the western hemisphere, including Haiti, since 1996. His past employers include Levi Strauss, VF, the Bayer Group, Kalikow Brothers, and Fishman & Tobin. He is a second generation apparel manufacturing engineer, manager and sourcing advisor.
27 January, 2010
Haitian Recovery, Sweatshop Jobs, and the Role of Trade Preferences
Posted: January 26, 2010 09:19 AM
January 26, 2010
The Huffinton Post
Trade deserves some credit for the small but significant improvements to Haiti's economy before the earthquake. U.S. efforts to help Haitians recover from the disaster should include further improvements in our trade preferences program to promote job growth and better working conditions in Haiti.
The day before the devastating earthquake hit Haiti, PBS's Newshour reported on growing hopes that the country might be turning a corner in terms of political stability and economic growth, in part because of the Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement (HOPE) Act, which allows duty-free imports of Haitian apparel products. And, in the days since the quake, various scholars and pundits have noted the need to start planning now for how to shift from humanitarian relief to recovery and reconstruction, with a focus on rapid job creation--something that HOPE could help deliver.
As one of his six important lessons for disaster relief, CGD visiting fellow John Simon noted that, "[e]ven as the relief operation is gearing up, work should commence in parallel ... to plan long-term recovery." Paul Collier called for a Marshall Plan for Haiti, including using U.S. and other trade preference programs to stimulate the quick revival of the garment sector. Similarly, citing an earlier Collier analysis on how to promote economic security in Haiti, Nicolas Kristof called for revival of the garment sector, noting that even so-called "sweatshop" jobs are better than nothing.
So, is the HOPE Act adequate? Or could it be improved to help spur exports, jobs, and recovery? And must the jobs created be sweatshop jobs?
In 2006, Congress passed what came to be known as HOPE I to expand duty-free access for Haitian exports, especially of apparel. But investors did not respond for a number of reasons, including the program's short timeframe (just three years) and rules of origin for determining product eligibility that were complicated and restricted efficient sourcing of inputs (though they were far more flexible than under most other U.S. trade preference programs for developing countries). As shown in the table, despite HOPE I, total Haitian apparel exports to the U.S. stagnated in 2007 and then dropped in 2008.
Haitian Apparel Exports to the United States (million dollars)
Haitian Apparel Exports to the United States (million dollars)
2006 2007 2008 2009*
Total 450 453 412 512
Under CBTPA 392 394 297 342
Under HOPE I, II Not applicable 13 75 125
Share of total U.S. imports 0.6% 0.6% 0.6% 0.8%
* Extrapolated from January-November data.Sources: U.S. Department of Commerce, Office of Textiles and Apparel; U.S. International Trade Commission.
HOPE II, passed less than two years later, extended the program for a decade and further loosened the rules of origin to provide more flexibility to source materials globally. Congress also added requirements for Haiti to beef up monitoring and enforcement of labor standards, with technical and financial assistance from the U.S. and the International Labor Organization (ILO). With these changes, Haitian exports to the U.S. rebounded last year to 13 percent above the 2007 level. While the positive impact of the HOPE II changes is evident in the table, the rules of origin, even now, are restrictive and complex, spanning four and a half pages of single-spaced small print.
In addition, HOPE II excludes t-shirts and sweatshirts, three-quarters of Haiti's exports, with the result that most Haitian apparel exports still come into the U.S. under other preference programs. Those products receive duty-free status under the regional Caribbean Trade partnership Act, but under that program, they must incorporate American yarn, as well as fabric that is either American or locally-produced, a stipulation that raises costs and decreases Haiti's competiveness.
Those rules also create problems for Haitian exporters trying to penetrate the Canadian market. Canada's trade preference program for least-developed countries has generous rules of origin, allowing beneficiaries to source fabric and other inputs from any other developing country. But, because of the American rules that force Haiti to use U.S. inputs, many Haitian apparel exports are not granted duty-free treatment in Canada, even though the yarn or fabric would receive such treatment if exported directly from the U.S. to Canada under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). That combination of rules makes little sense for the United States, Canada, or Haiti.
Finally, what about the quality of the jobs created under the HOPE Act? While apparel assembly pays relatively low wages wherever it is done in the world, these jobs do not have to endanger workers' health or be abusive or force workers to choose between a wage and their fundamental rights, conditions often associated with sweatshops. To ensure Haiti's compliance with HOPE II's requirements, the ILO, with the International Finance Corporation and U.S. financial support, launched a Better Work program in the country last fall. In an earlier post I discussed the Better Work program and a CGD event where preliminary research was presented on the results from a similar program operating in Cambodia. This research suggests that monitoring and focused attention on improving human resource practices in factories leads to both better working conditions and more competitive firms. Effective implementation of this program in Haiti would mean that HOPE II contributes to both more and better jobs for Haitians trying to survive in the wake of this terrible tragedy.
Preliminary reports from the Better Work program manager in Haiti suggest that, while some factories collapsed, others suffered only minor damage or none at all. This sector and program, then, present an ideal opportunity for the public and private sectors to cooperate and to start work on Haiti's longer-term recovery. To maximize the impact, the United States and Canada should also fix the rules in their preference programs to allow the broadest possible sourcing of fabric and other inputs, which would facilitate Haiti's apparel exports and create the jobs that are so desperately needed.
17 June, 2009
Bill Clinton: Haiti has chance to escape poverty
By EDITH M. LEDERER – 15 June 2009
UNITED NATIONS (AP) — Former U.S. President Bill Clinton said Monday that Haiti has the best chance in decades to escape poverty and political upheaval and he will seek in his new job as U.N. special envoy to improve life for the estimated 9 million Haitians.
Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere and was in the throes of a food crisis and political deadlock when four tropical storms battered it last fall, killing some 800 people and doing $1 billion in damage. Hunger worsened, poverty deepened and hard-won stability threatened to come apart five years after a bloody rebellion.
Clinton said he will try to do in Haiti what the U.N. attempted to do when he was the top U.N. envoy promoting recovery from the devastating 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami — "to leave things better than they were before the natural disasters."
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who appointed Clinton to the US$1-a-year post on May 19, told a news conference that "no one is better placed" than the former U.S. president to help Haiti's president and prime minister promote their new economic development program and to help ensure that governments deliver on the US$335 million they pledged in April for Haiti's recovery.
"Haiti is at a turning point," Ban said. "It has a real chance for stability and potential prosperity. ... And we wanted to send a message to the international community: Haiti needs and deserves our help."
Sitting beside the secretary-general, Clinton said that even after the devastation caused by last year's storms "I think Haiti ... has the best chance to escape the darker aspects of its history in the 35 years I have been going there."
He said this was because of the leadership of President Rene Preval and Prime Minister Michele Pierre-Louis, the "good job" done by U.N. peacekeepers and international police in improving security, U.S. legislation passed last year giving Haitian products "extraordinary access" to U.S. markets, Ban's interest, and the success of the donors conference.
Clinton said he will follow the "very impressive program" produced by the Haitian government — which is similar to one commissioned by the U.N. but focuses more on immediate needs — and work to generate new jobs and improve the availability of basic services.
Schools, hospitals, housing, public facilities, roads and infrastructure will be "built back better" and improvements will be made to prevent and mitigate future disasters and speed recovery, he said.
Clinton said he will also encourage international investment, make Haiti a more attractive prospect including by improving power supplies, accelerate efforts to promote clean energy, encourage donors to honor their commitments, and put the spotlight on "both the pain and the promise of Haiti" and its economic opportunities.
"I will be accountable in this work to the secretary-general and the United Nations, and to the people of Haiti and their governmental leaders," Clinton said.
He said he had read speculation in the Haitian press that his job "was somehow an imperialist plot to take over Haiti."
"All I want to do is help the Haitians take over control of their own destiny," Clinton stressed. "That's all I have ever wanted for Haiti, and that's all the secretary-general wants."
Haiti's Foreign Minister Alrich Nicolas read a letter from Preval praising Ban for focusing attention on Haiti's urgent needs and saying "our country and our people could not hope for a better friend and advocate than President Bill Clinton."
Clinton said he would be putting together a small staff over the next few days and hoped to visit Haiti "pretty soon."
In response to a question, he said both the White House and the State Department had given a green light for him to take the U.N. job. "I would not have done this otherwise," Clinton said.
Haiti: The HOPE Act
15 June 2009
The Hope Act:
Whose hope is it?
Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act
On 16 December 2006, U.S. Congress finally voted the “HOPE” Act into law, to regulate some of the commercial exchange between Haiti and the United States. This law opens the doors for the two countries to be able to realize “free” commercial exchange without any import tariffs or duties, or any obstacle to the free circulation of goods. The goods that the Act refers to are mainly textile products from the maquiladoras (Note: a maquiladora is a factory/assembly plant that imports materials and equipment on a duty-free and tariff-free basis for assembly or manufacturing and then re-exports the assembled product, usually back to the originating country).
As part of HOPE, the Haitian government gave up all rights of control over North American products imported into the country, that is, what they are and which ones will be allowed in or not. Nor can the government place any demand on multinational capital, such as control over the prices of goods being sold in the country. Therefore, the Minister of Commerce and Industry has relinquished control over all prices. The government has also agreed to actively pursue the privatization of public services such as the Phone Company, etc…
“HOPE”: A BACKGROUND HISTORY
Since the 70’s, under Jean-Claude Duvalier’s dictatorship, the bureaucratic bourgeoisie already had the intention of selling Haitian cheap labor within the context of an agreement for the opening of the first Free Trade Zone (FTZ) in Haiti. That was in 1972. But, in order to establish the free trade zones as the new type of “development”, in the context of the competition with other dependent countries of the region, it was necessary to “liberate” the Haitian labor force even more. On the one hand, they exterminated the native black pigs (this occurred under Jean-Claude Duvalier), a vital source of livelihood for the small peasants, then they destroy the sugar cane culture (under the CNG – National Governing Council), they even succeeded in eradicating the rice production (since the Bazin government), while the rest of the agricultural production was steadily deteriorating, causing a real migratory hemorrhage and a systematic pauperization that created a vast pool of available cheap labor. On the other hand, the existing corruption and the dictatorial presidency-for-life acted as obstacles to the free circulation of capital. Once this situation was overcome, they try to implement a new law in 2004, the HERO (Haitian Economic Recovery Opportunity) Act. It failed. However, the political situation evolved. Faced with the total incompetence of the ruling classes, and of the reactionary state in particular, the imperialists opted for direct intervention. Today, with the occupation, the situation is much more under their control and the conditions have maximized for the total plunder of the land, henceforth, the “HOPE” Law.
As we can see, “HOPE” is a result, a culmination. It is the historical result of the destruction of the country since Duvalier, through the various governments that succeeded it, until Aristide who was the one who ratified the process of national disintegration when he signed the Monterrey accord in favor of the establishment of eighteen FTZs, and discreetly inaugurated the construction of the first one in 2002. “HOPE” is also the result of the impoverishment and constant devaluation of the labor power, not only thru the starvation wages, not only thru the permanent repression to stop the workers from organizing to defend their interests, including wage increases, but also by allowing the generalization of misery that comes with the general increase in prices, while the government does nothing, and the “gourde” (Haiti’s monetary unit) keeps devaluating to such a point that wages paid in gourdes are worth less and less. This sinister situation went thru different stages until the imperialists, the bourgeoisie, and their reactionary state realized that they could advance in their plans thru the implementation of a law that would allow them to realize enormous benefits thru the exploitation of that cheap labor, in the context of what is cynically called “comparative advantages”.
INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT OF THE ADOPTION OF “HOPE”: RELATIONS WITH THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
The first element we must take into account is that “HOPE” comes with a series of other laws. In particular, one that links the Dominican Republic with five other Central American countries (Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, Panamá and El Salvador), the CAFTA-DR (Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement) where similar conditions are being developed for the unbridled exploitation of the workers in these countries, without any benefits for their economy in general, except a few crumbs for the bourgeoisie of the maquiladora industry, to encourage them not to invest in any other economic activities and to confine themselves solely to the maquiladoras.
This explains the tremendous interests of the Dominican capitalists in investing in our country. This explains their interest in resolving the Haitian crisis, and their proposition that they themselves can take matters into their own hands and make the necessary rectifications to help move forward this “human conglomerate” (that’s what they call the Haitian society). This explains the presence, for example, of the Grupo M who owns three Sibes plants operating in Haiti while their board of directors is in Dominican Republic. Quite a few more want to establish themselves here also. At this time, they are trying to resolve the quota issue. But, for them, this is not enough. They need more. That’s why we say that the resurgence of “HOPE” is not a casual or isolated incident.
Not only are they paying four times less for labor than they would in their country, but in many cases the representatives of the Haitian bourgeoisie, along with the reactionary state, offer them a guarantee of better profits than in their own country! One particular case comes to mind: in Fort-Liberté a demand was brought before the tribunal (when the Dominican army intervened in the FTZ of Ouanaminthe to physically assault the Haitian workers and a pregnant woman was dragged thru the mud right in front of everybody!) and it was so obvious that the judge had to grant the protesting workers’ demand for reparations and sanctions against the head security of the Grupo M, an ex-colonel of the Dominican army. However, the Justice Minister from Port-au-Prince, on orders from the Minister of Commerce and Industry, sent a letter of reprimand to the judge saying that if he went ahead with the verdict, “it would scare away the investors”!! As can be seen, “HOPE” came to reinforce the advantages that these investors are getting. This is occurring at a time when the overall penetration of Dominican capital is increasing more and more. In fact, they are engaged in a process of annexation of the Northeastern part of the country. And it is in the context of this penetration-annexation that “HOPE” will be implemented.
“HOPE”: TOTAL EXPLOITATION AND MISERY
The logic of the multinationals is the permanent quest for more advantageous conditions for themselves only. Therefore, they always move their operations somewhere else in accordance with the advantages given them (they even use this as a form of pressure); hence, the danger not only to the country’s economy (which is always under this kind of pressure/blackmail), but also to the workers’ livelihood because, as has happened in the past, the only place where the bourgeoisie is going to transfer this pressure is on the workers’ wages; specially in a country like ours, so bankrupt and with so incompetent a government, this is the only way to remain “competitive”. In their own words: “Haiti’s comparative advantage is its cheap labor, which cannot be competed with anywhere else!!” Therefore, as logic would indicate, for such “advantage” to always remain an “advantage”, strong repression must be exerted against the unions and a state of general misery maintained so that, on one hand, there always be workers in the FTZs willing to accept starvation wages and, on the other, in order to remain “competitive” (i.e., as low as possible), the price of the labor power remain cheaper and cheaper. Thus, in the logic of capitalist competitiveness, the poverty of the Haitian people is the bourgeoisie’s advantage, and this is THE MAIN PARAMETER FOR THE APPLICATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE “HOPE” LAW.
The implementation of “HOPE” will provoke a mass exodus to the FTZs where the new plants will be installed. And these new factories will do nothing to decrease the general state of poverty in those regions. They will serve as the basis for the formation of new “shantytowns” with all its consequences (including, the possibility of a resurgence of populism, violence and insecurity). Furthermore, this will also provoke another catastrophe: most of the migrants will come from the countryside, which means a further degradation of agricultural production and an increase in dependency. Already, there exists massive migration to the Dominican Republic. The damage to our economy will be even worse because the exodus will continue unabated. In order to maintain and increase their profits, the factory owners will keep the wages at the lowest possible level. From what the workers produce, only a tiny part will revert back to them, while more and more surplus value will be squeezed out of from them. All this is done, in order to maintain competitiveness so characteristic of the capitalist system where the big capitalists/imperialists always get the upper hand.
Recently, whether in the Brasserie La Couronne, or in the Brasserie Laco, whether in the Northern branch of the Brasserie Nationale, or in Wilbess, every time the workers succeeded in setting a union, the directors of these plants either fired the most militant workers or fired all the workers who joined the union, as happened at the Northern branch of Brasserie Nationale. Leaving the workers without any recourse and with no compensation, even though inspectors from the Ministry of Social Affairs clearly recognized the arbitrary and illegal nature of these revocations.
Added to this, the illegal character of the state’s behavior. Article 137 of the Labor Code recommends an adjustment to the minimum salary every time the cost of living index registers an increase of more than 10%. This article from a repressive Code dating back to the Duvalier period was designed as an attempt to circumscribe any salary adjustment since at that time inflation was not increasing by more than 10% (i.e., if the increase was 7, 8 or even 9%, there was no salary adjustment). Today, despite the fact that prices keep rising and the annual inflation rate increase has reached the 20, 30, 50 or even 100% mark, the state still has not implemented the provisions of that article of the Code. Even though minimum salary has been increased to 70 gourdes, such a measure DID NOT raise it to the level where it should be, if we compare it with the then minimum salary (under Duvalier) of 15 gourdes (then $US 3 dollars) later raised to 28 gourdes (then $US 4 dollars). Today, the minimum salary is equivalent to $US1.96 dollar or 25 cents per hour.
“HOPE”: MILITARY OCCUPATION
“HOPE” will be implemented in the context of an ongoing military occupation. It is very important that we understand this context: in order for the Act to be implemented, given the tension and the constant possibility of a social explosion, due to the suffocating conditions of misery which the population lives in, and the incapacity of the ruling classes and their reactionary state to confront such a situation on their own, the military occupation is seen as their only support. It is all this that they are trying to hide under the demagogy of “creating jobs and development”. There can be no “HOPE” without repressive forces both outside and inside the factories, a repressive apparatus ready to intervene at a moment’s notice.
Poverty and exploitation are fertile ground for RESISTANCE, to which the ruling classes respond with REPRESSION. Today, Haitian police does not have the operational capability to cover the national territory in its entirety, not even the capital city, Port-au-Prince. Hence, the necessity not only to maintain the already operating foreign forces with their tanks and heavy weaponry, but to increase their number and deployment capacity in terms of personnel and equipment should the need arise. In addition, there is the need for a certain level of political administration in order to lead this process and to take decisions and carry out policies and measures acceptable by the “international community”. There again, the total incompetence of the state, with its attendant credibility crisis on the international level, calls for a greater involvement of the foreign forces in the political process and an increasing assumption of the role of a state within a state. “HOPE” brings along the continuation and reinforcement of the country’s military occupation.
It should also be added here that “HOPE” will be implemented on the basis of lies and treachery. Lies to a population who deposited their trust in the recently and popularly elected leaders. A population who is suffocating and suffering under the weight of an intolerable level of poverty and finds itself forced to accept whatever meager relief is being offered in order to survive, and not die of hunger, even though it may be far from satisfying its needs. But we’re also looking at a population who is getting tired and fed up with such conditions, and does not want to continue to live in the misery, desolation and despair imposed upon them by the imperialists, the bourgeoisie and their reactionary state, and will sooner or later rise up in revolt. This is the background to the ever-worsening structural crisis that prompted the presence of the foreign occupation forces. The ruling classes desperately need a repressive army (Brazilians, Argentines, Chileans, etc.) to come to their rescue, doing here what they’ve been doing in their respective countries: carry out repression against the workers and the popular masses. In order to “maintain peace”! The peace of the grave!
“HOPE” is a technical arrangement among bourgeois capitalists. It is a mechanism designed to facilitate commercial exchange between American capitalists and their agents here, that is, their Haitian intermediaries. The Act classifies different types of merchandise in accordance with their respective advantages, fixes the tariffs, establishes norms and regulations for the US Customs agencies as regards the class of merchandise, how and when to approve them (note here that we’re talking about US customs control…). Above all, the Act clearly exposes the servile and mercenary nature of the country’s bourgeoisie and its servants in the government. “HOPE” exposes the anti-national character of the Haitian ruling classes.
Of course, “HOPE” mentions the rights of workers and the clearly established international laws. But, we must be clear on this: there has been absolutely no mechanism put in place to insure that these rights and these labor protection laws are respected or applied. The Labor Code is the only enforcement mechanism that exists at the national level. However, in practice, the Code is being used to handcuff the workers. Even though it leaves the ground free for the bourgeoisie to act at will, they still want more, at the expense of the workers. Add to this, the pro-bourgeois so-called Social Affairs Department, and the bourgeois-controlled Justice Department. The most that could be expected is an occasional adjustment, an occasional totally inadequate wage increase. The general references of “HOPE” to the workers’ rights have no substance whatsoever, even though they could be used in our struggles to mobilize international support and solidarity.
The Haitian bourgeoisie has the sadly infamous reputation of being the worse bourgeoisie in the world, in the very words of the American capitalists: “the most repugnant elite in the world”. To such bourgeoisie, workers’ rights are something they couldn’t care less about! Their very existence, as a class, is based on trampling under foot the workers’ rights. It’s only on the basis of an extreme exploitation of the workers that the bourgeoisie will be able to realize its so-called “comparative advantage”, as was done during the first phase of the maquiladora industry.
The Haitian government doesn’t make the least effort to protect the Haitian workers and to define the mechanisms necessary to implement the vaguely mentioned workers’ rights. “HOPE” doesn’t have any legal appendages regarding the issue of workers’ rights (this would scare away potential investors!!). The Haitian state has never lifted a finger to protect, or demand respect for, the rights of Haitian migrant workers in Dominican Republic, as if this were not the responsibility of the Haitian government while they’re being victimized, even burned alive, without not even a cry of protest, let alone any action, from this shameless government.
BATAY OUVRIYE AND THE WORKERS STRUGGLES
As always, we start from the class interests of the workers, of the working class. These interests are what guided us in our successful struggle for the reintegration of the workers who were fired from their posts in the Ouanaminthe FTZ. It is this same struggle for workers’ rights that forced the textile multinationals to reopen their closed factories in the FTZ. And it is this same struggle that established a precedent, engaging the World Bank, when giving out business loans to open new factories, to attach conditions that link these loans to social responsibility and sustained development.
Only the interests of the workers correspond to the global interests of our nation. Today workers and peasants are engaged in many grassroots struggles to conquer their rights, for example:
-The struggle of the workers at CD Apparel (HANES subcontractor) in Port-au-Prince to obtain adequate compensation for damage caused to their livelihood after HANES abruptly ended the contract and caused the company to close its doors, forcing more than 500 workers out of work. (See the workers web site http://www.ocdap600-haiti.13.fr/)
-The struggle for the minimum wage adjustment to at least 300 gourdes daily (approximately $8.10)
-The struggles of the peasant communities of Janrabèl and Chatlen who decided to take over and democratically run the local school to help their children get a better education, and are currently facing the wrath of the same local authorities who have been deliberately neglecting and abandoning these schools.
-The struggles of peasant associations and women’s groups such as Tèt Kole Ti Peyizan [Small Peasants Union], Sofa [Haitian Women Solidarity], etc... against the implementation of another unequal trade agreement, the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) proposed by the European Union for the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific region (ACP).
-The struggle of Haitian women against domestic and sexual violence, including recent struggles for the arrest and prosecution in Haiti of 108 soldiers from the Sri Lankan component of the UN occupation forces [MINUSTAH] accused of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse of minors, including prostitution ( These soldiers were expelled back to Sri Lanka because only the UN can prosecute them).
-The struggle against the recently initiated privatization of state-owned enterprises by the current government.
Today, the general context of the implementation of “HOPE” will lead to the total destruction of our collective identity and requires the continuation of the military occupation. In fact, this Act is part of the neo-liberal global project. We must view it in this context, not from an isolated point of view, even when we concentrate on its specificities. We must confront it in a manner and practice that correspond to the capacity and interests of the working class. In our struggles, in our practice, we are conscious that the correlation of forces, both at the national and international level, is favorable to its imposition on the workers and on the country. However, as we have demonstrated in the Ouanaminthe FTZ, in Cap Haitian, in Chatlen, in Janrabèl, in the Industrial Park in Port-au-Prince, and in other parts of the country, we will be present in the struggles to defend the interests of the working class, and thru them, the true interests of our country. THE STRUGGLE HAS JUST STARTED!
(contributed by Batay Ouvriye, a workers struggle movement in Haiti)
Clinton vows to help Haitians chart destiny
As Haiti's president tries to avert political crisis, U.N. Special Envoy Bill Clinton outlines his priorities for the job.
Source: The Miami Heral, 16 June 2009
BY JACQUELINE CHARLES
jcharles@MiamiHerald.com
NEW YORK -- Haiti's newest envoy made his first pitch on behalf of the impoverished Carribbean nation Monday, outlining an ambitious list of priorities he plans to tackle on behalf of the United Nations.
''I'll do my best. It's a formidable task,'' former President Bill Clinton said at a U.N. news conference in New York alongside U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and Haitian Foreign Minister Alrich Nicolas. ``This is the best chance that Haitians have ever had.''
Clinton did not say when he will make his first visit to Haiti as U.N. special envoy but his focus comes as Haitian President René Préval tries to avert yet another political crisis.
A decision last month by Haiti's parliament to raise the country's minimum wage from $1.70 to $4.90 a day has triggered weeks of protests by a group that characterizes itself as state university students.
Last week, as Préval attempted to negotiate a compromise between the country's leading business owners and lawmakers, protesters erected barricades, burned tires and stoned government and private vehicles around the presidential palace in Port-au-Prince. They are demanding that Préval sign the legislation -- or face whatever comes.
Protesters even attacked Haitian Prime Minister Michèle Pierre-Louis' student-oriented nongovernmental organization in Port-au-Prince. At least two dozen people have been arrested so far, and police say most are not students.
The issue has become a political football for Préval's opponents, raising suspicions among foreign diplomats and others that the demonstrations may be less about raising the minimum wage and more an effort to destabilize the government by forcing the resignation of Pierre-Louis, Préval or both.
A study by Haiti's garment industry argues that the wage increase would immediately cost the country's ailing assembly industry 14,000 jobs and kill any chances of Haiti benefiting from the U.S. Congress-approved HOPE II legislation that Clinton, Ban and others have been championing as a way to create desperately needed jobs. The legislation, which already has created 11,000 new jobs, gives Haiti duty-free access to the U.S. textile market for woven and knit clothing made in Haiti using fabrics from countries outside the Western Hemisphere.
''This proposal as is would be the death of HOPE,'' Georges Sassine, Haiti's point man on the legislation said Monday soon after leaving another round of negotiations with Préval at the presidential palace.
CLINTON'S AGENDA
Clinton did not address the controversy at his news conference, instead focusing on outlining his goals in the coming months as a special envoy reporting to the U.N. secretary general. He does not intend to personally staff the Haiti office nor involve himself in the U.N.'s or Haiti's day-to-day operations.
''We will continue to elevate awareness of both the pain and the promise of Haiti in the international community and that there are real genuine economic opportunities there,'' he said, dismissing reports in the Haitian media that his $1-a-year job was part of an imperialistic plot to take over Haiti.
``All I want to do is help the Haitians take over control of their own destiny. That's all I have ever wanted for Haiti. That's all the secretary general wants.''
To help accomplish this, Clinton said he plans on helping the hurricane-ravaged nation rebuild by attracting private investors and alternative energy sources, encouraging better coordination among thousands of nongovernmental organizations already working on the ground, and getting the international community to ante up the $353 million in pledges it promised at April's donors conference in Washington.
''We want to encourage the donors to honor the commitments they have already made at the donor's conference,'' Clinton said.
But getting donors to ante up their pledges may be the least of the former president's or Haiti's challenges.
''The current upheaval shows how much resentment toward the Préval government still lingers below the surface, driven by the government's inability to resolve the pressing economic distress facing the country,'' said Daniel Erikson, a Caribbean expert with the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington.
''No one can doubt Bill Clinton's ability to mobilize the attention and resources of the international community on behalf of Haiti. The question is whether he can somehow help to create an environment where the Haitians themselves can work together to effect positive change in their country,'' he added.
``On the basis of the current upheaval, this is a monumental, and perhaps impossible, task.''
WAGE ISSUES
Observers say while Préval believes Haitians need to make a livable wage, he is concerned about how the minimum-wage increase will take away Haiti's competitive edge as it tries to lure textile companies to its shores.
In hopes of reaching a compromise, Préval has spent the past week leading all-day negotiations. On Monday, some business leaders said he had come up with a plan that would give an immediate boost to garment workers by raising entry level pay to $2.40 a day with room to earn more for top producers. All other industries would get the $4.90 minimum wage.
But two lawmakers pushing the increase -- Deputy Steven Benoit of the lower house, and Senate President Kely Bastien -- both told The Miami Herald that after three days of meetings with Préval the issue still is not settled. ''There is no compromise. We are still waiting on the president to send his proposal,'' Benoit said.
Special correspondent Stewart Stogel contributed to this report from the United Nations.
05 June, 2009
ANALYSIS: Global apparel sourcing in uncertain times
2 June 2009 Source: just-style.com
The recession has hit apparel retailers and their suppliers in different ways. While Western retail sales have fallen, not all manufacturing countries have followed suit. Many of Asia's weaker producers are seeing sharp export declines, but exports are growing from the rest of the region. What really influences manufacturers' success, says Mike Flanagan, is their ability to turn the current environment to their advantage.
"Plunging retail sales in the United States are leading to a reduction of garment export orders in Bangladesh," says the Washington-based International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its May report.
Earlier, the UN-sponsored Asian Development Bank (ADB) - another taxpayer-funded organisation -forecast that in constant 2004 prices, total Asian textile and apparel exports will drop in 2009 by about $8bn.
It's quite an achievement to cram so many misconceptions into two sentences. But many people who should know better still believe Asian garment makers will see their sales fall this year.
So it's worth looking closely at the IMF's specific claim about Bangladesh.
First, America's clothing sales aren't "plunging". Sales in US clothing specialists were down 6.5% in April on the previous year, which takes them to about the same level as 2006.
And by the standards of America's car companies, house builders or airlines, this is still spectacularly healthy.
However, these clothing specialists are losing their grip on share of US clothing sales.
At Wal-Mart, overwhelmingly America's largest clothes retailer (with roughly twice the apparel sales of Gap, the country's largest specialist), they're actually growing.
Things might be tough in America's malls: but clothes sales aren't "plunging."
And what's America got to do with it anyway?
European demand
Most Bangladesh apparel exports don't go to the US: they go to Europe, where unsurprisingly the country's market share is growing.
Bangladesh is the world's cheapest mainstream clothes manufacturer - and when the going gets tough, lowest-cost suppliers really get going.
Bangladesh's clothing exports have been up on last year every month so far in 2009.
It's quite possible Bangladesh won't sustain this apparel export growth though. With unemployment throughout the affluent world still rising, clothing sales are likely to stay depressed for some time.
But:
• They'll be depressed in different ways in different countries (official data shows the number of clothes sold by UK clothing retailers is currently rising year-on-year as prices collapse).
• The final abolition of anti-China quotas in the US is making life tougher there for non-Chinese exporters. As US importers began to realise these quotas aren't returning, China's share started rising - and by April, Bangladesh's exports to the US started to fall.
• Asian competitors to Bangladesh - at least those in India, Sri Lanka, Indonesia and Vietnam - are putting up tougher competition.
So it's possible Bangladesh's exports might fall in the future.
But falling sales at the branch of Gap nearest the IMF's lavish headquarters doesn't mean sales are down at branches of Inditex, Primark, Uniqlo or H&M (or Asda or Aldi) in London, Paris, Rotterdam or Tokyo. Or that they will be.
World clothing industry
That's partly because there's a great deal more to the world's clothing industry than just one country. Also, recession-induced falling sales - particularly in the US - aren't the only game in town.
• China's not alone in dealing with fewer restrictions on its trade. Vietnam is no longer subject to a little-understood procedure called "self-initiation" in the US, so importers can buy from Vietnam with greater confidence.
• The US has also abandoned its penal import duties on Honduran socks, made it easier for Asian fabric to be used in garments produced in Haiti, and implemented duty-free trade with Peru.
• The EU extended duty-free access for Sri Lanka for another year. It scrapped anti-dumping duties against Pakistani bed linen and reduced them against South Korean yarn manufacturer Huvis.
• Japan's announced it wanted its clothes retailers to depend less on China as a source, and to develop sourcing from the rest of Asia. And that's just what they've done.
• In some countries - like Kenya, Madagascar and Nepal - civil unrest has caused severe disruption to garment production in the past eighteen months. With deliveries postponed, buyers have lost confidence, and regaining it is likely to be a long haul.
• Throughout the developed world, established clothing specialist retailers are facing tougher competition from discounters and innovators - and their profits are being hit by growing use of the internet for clothes buying. Those bricks and mortar shops, with lower sales, still have to have the rent and fuel bills paid.
The impact of recession
The recession has hit in different ways.
• It has come in two distinct waves. First, a catastrophic disappearance of credit in 2008 led to buyer bankruptcies and arbitrarily cancelled orders. This phase wiped out an untold number of vulnerable developing-world garment manufacturers. Now we're in the second wave: dismal (but by no means "plunging") sales mean jittery buyers, so orders are being delayed as long as possible, and buyers are squeezing prices.
• The UK has seen its currency fall 35% against the US dollar in a few months - though as this article was being finished, it had appreciated again by 18%. Official data shows its retailers are selling more clothes than last year, though, as savage price reductions mean real clothing bargains in the shops.
• India's currency has see-sawed every which way, so it's now got a cheap currency and sales to the EU and US are growing as a result. Indeed, as in Vietnam, the recession has created a labour shortage. Migrant garment workers returned home as factories closed at the beginning of the crisis, and many are reluctant to return to city jobs they now see as risky.
• It has hit different garment manufacturers in different ways. In Bangladesh, for example, we're still regularly hearing stories of factories going out of business, unable to pay outstanding wages. Yet the country's biggest textile business Beximco, together with its subsidiaries, now claims to have cleared a $400m default on loans reported in February. Bigger businesses survived the first wave better, and are in good shape to compete in the less dramatic second wave.
This ever-changing competitive environment means it's not falling Western retail sales that influence manufacturers' success: it's the overall ability of garment makers to make that environment work for them.
Many of Asia's weaker producers (like those in the Philippines and Cambodia) find that difficult, and are seeing sharp export declines. So are factories in Europe, Africa and Central America.
But clothing exports are growing from the rest of Asia - and there's growth too in one or two places that are today's sourcing hotspots: Haiti and Laos.
In total, garment exports to Europe, North America and Japan from the six Asian countries that account for 80% of Asia's apparel exports (China, Indonesia, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and India) are actually up so far this year.
It's more subtle than that, of course: Honduras' exports to the US are down - but with duties against its socks removed, it's re-established itself as America's biggest sock supplier.
And, with the world's garment production increasingly concentrated in Asia's Big Six, fewer clothes are being made elsewhere - so Asia's not exporting as much yarn and fabric to producers in Europe, Africa and the Americas.
It's important to poor countries, whose ability to raise money is harmed or made more expensive by bad logic, to correct the sloppy assumption that slow Western sales mean falling exports for everyone.
And it's important to traders to keep abreast of how all these different pressures net out.
Two new initiatives might help. The first is the "Global Sourcing Skills" seminar being organised by Clothesource and the Industry Forum in London on 23 June.
The companion volume "Global Sourcing in an Uncertain World" is now available from just-style.
Mike Flanagan is chief executive of Clothesource Sourcing Intelligence, a UK-based consultancy that provides the western apparel buying community with objective information on apparel production, trade, price competitiveness, and apparel producers in over 100 countries. The new suite of Clothesource Guides help buyers find the best value - and give emerging-market lobbyists hard data on what their competitors offer.
20 May, 2009
Haiti needs U.S. support for democracy
Ansel Herz
Daily Texan Guest Columnist
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Share this article Published: Friday, May 1, 2009
Updated: Friday, May 1, 2009
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stood on the floor of a textile factory in Port-Au-Prince, Haiti, earlier this month and talked about America’s commitment to the island nation. “I pledge we will do more to create more good jobs for the people of Haiti,” she told an audience of textile workers.
Sounds good, right? But when Clinton finished her speech with a smile, the applause was muted. Many of the workers could not understand her speech because it was not translated into Kreyol, the language spoken by the vast majority of Haitians. Clinton’s obliviousness is typical of policy makers who ignore a deeply flawed democratic process in Haiti, while pushing anti-poverty schemes against Haiti from afar.
Clinton, along with U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, is touting a plan devised by Oxford economist Paul Collier to expand tariff-free export zones around Haiti. The plan calls for Haiti to lift urban slum-dwellers out of poverty through jobs in textile factories, like the Inter-American Garment Factory at which Clinton spoke.
There is little popular demand in Haiti for this maquiladora-style development. Workers at the factory assembling clothes for American companies like Levi’s are paid twice Haiti’s minimum wage, but they have complained to Al Jazeera English, the English version of the Arabic-language news network, that the wages are still so low that the workers cannot escape poverty.
The former president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, whose Lavalas party has enjoyed overwhelming support among Haitians in many elections, tried during the 1990s to triple the minimum wage. But under pressure from U.S. officials and people like Andy Apaid, a Haitian who owns numerous sweatshops and the garment factory that hosted Clinton, Aristide was forced to drastically scale back the wage increase.
In 2004, Apaid and other members of the tiny Haitian elite successfully conspired to overthrow Aristide with the help of the U.S. government. Aristide was flown out of the country on a U.S. jet surrounded by Marines and dumped in Central African Republic. Aristide says he was kidnapped and still has not returned to Haiti.
Aristide and Lavalas represent a grassroots threat to the centuries-old status quo in Haiti and international interests that have exploited it. Aristide raised taxes on the rich, launched highly effective literacy and anti-AIDS programs and built schools and hospitals across the country during his two presidential terms, each cut short by U.S.-backed coups.
The Lavalas party has tried to carry on amid continuing repression. A heavily armed U.N. peacekeeping force has repeatedly shelled and occupied Cite Soleil, a slum outside the capital and one of Lavalas’ strongest bases of support.
Many of the party’s leaders were imprisoned on bogus charges by the post-coup regime, and without Aristide the party is less united than it once was.
Lavalas was banned from last week’s Haitian Senate elections by the government’s Provisional Electoral Council because of a technical problem with the list of candidates it submitted. A judge who ruled that the council’s decision was illegal was promptly stripped of his post by the Haitian government.
Like the rebel force of slaves that defeated Napoleon’s armies and founded Haiti, however, Lavalas and its agenda of social uplift have not been easily marginalized. The organization called for a boycott of the Senate elections from which it was banned, and Haitians heeded the call — voter turnout on April 19 was estimated at less than 10 percent.
Popular Haitian demands include revitalization of local peasant economies, debt cancellation, temporary protected status for immigrants in the United States and the return of Aristide. The Obama administration has already pledged $20 million to pay off part of Haiti’s illegitimate debt to the World Bank. That’s a start.
The mentality that the “international community” knows what is best for Haiti’s poor has been discredited by decades of worsening poverty. Strong support from the Obama administration for democracy in Haiti, including the participation of Lavalas, would represent change Haitians can believe in and so desperately need.
Herz is a journalism senior.
Haitian Government Raises Minimum Wage to $5.50 per day
May 19th, 2009
The Dominion News from the Grassroots
By Wadner Pierre-www.haitianalysis.com
Haitian labor activists applauded the Preval administration's decision to raise the minimum wage in Haiti from 70 to 200 gourdes ($5.50 USD) per day. However, the increase has been strongly opposed by Haitian industrialists. Georges Sassine, president of ADIH (an association of Haitian industrialists) warned that the wage increase would cost tens of thousands of jobs. He claimed that similar minimum wage increases in Cambodia have proven disastrous.
HaitiAnalysis asked Jose Cordero, an economist with Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), to respond to the arguments that Georges Sassine and other businessmen have made against the increase. Cordero said ”In the case of Cambodia, I am not sure what disaster they are talking about, but I know that between 2004 and 2007 the country grew at about 11% per year. When inflation rose in 2008, and real wages declined, many factory workers left their jobs to go back to the country or to other informal activities which provide them more revenue than their work at a factory."
Cordero also pointed out that "Workers (especially those making only the minimum wage) have a higher propensity to consume than higher paid workers or company owners. They also have a lower propensity to import. These mean that a higher wage will likely increase aggregate spending, which could stimulate local production, and employment."
Georges Sassine was quoted by the Canadian online journal, the tyee.com, as saying, "Do we want 100,000 jobs paying 200 gourdes (US$5) or 200,000 jobs at 100gourdes (US$2.50)? What's better? 200,000 people working if I were a politician"
Lavarice Gaudin, the leader of Veye-Yo, a Miami-based advocacy group for Haitian immigrants in the United States, also responded to the objections of the Haitian business community. Guadin, who studied economics, said in a telephone interview with HaitiAnalysis "The new bill fixing the minimum wage to 200 gourdes is obviously nothing, but somehow people like Georges Sassine, will, of course, oppose it because they have been made their profits by exploiting people's work."
Paul Chéry, secretary general of the Haitian Confederation of Workers (CTH), one of Haiti's largest labor organizations, recently noted that in- real terms - the Haitian minimum wage (before the increase to 200 gourdes) was actually lower today than it was 25 years ago.
Former President Jean Bertrand Aristride, who was twice ousted in coups supported by the Haitian business community (1991 and 2004), encountered fierce opposition from Haitian industrialists in 1995 when (shortly after being restored to power) he raised the minimum wage from 15 to 36 gourdes per day. Aristide won a second term in 2000 and during that term increased the minimum wage again to 70 gourdes per day. His government also banned some of the practices (like paying workers per piece) that garment factories have used to avoid paying the minimum wage. Others have questioned the strategy that Haitian industrialists have proposed of expanding low wage, export oriented manufacturing.
In 2007, Inter Press Service (IPS) interviewed Jude Bonhomme, a trained agronomist and a member of the Fédération nationale des paysans agricoles (FENATAPAO). Groups like his have argued for years that Haiti remains an agricultural society and that what it most urgently needs is to revise the fortunes of its peasants. Over the past thirty years, international pressure has forced Haiti to reduce its tariffs and open most of its markets to the world. This has strengthened a demographic shift in which poor rural populations, forced out of work, have moved to urban slums.
Haitians peasants also sustained a major blow during the 1980s when, due to pressure from the United States government, the dictatorship of Jean-Claude Duvalier wiped out the Creole pigs (porca) that were indigenous to Haiti. After that catastrophic policy, peasants struggled more than ever to survive. The pigs were crucial to the rural economy, known as the "bank account" of the peasants.
After satisfying local and foreign elites on so many other policy fronts, the Preval administration appears to have the maneuvering room needed to raise the abysmally low minimum wage. It is a positive step from an administration strongly criticized in recent months for its failure to hold legitimate senate elections and clean up Haiti's human rights record.
Ginette Apollon, President of Haiti's National Commission of Women Workers (CNFT), applauded the minimum wage increase while speaking at an annual forum sponsored by the Global Studies Association (GSA) in Florida. She believes that in area of labor reform, the Preval’s administration is doing its best within the constraints imposed on it. However, her talk dealt much more with the human rights situation in Haiti rather than it did with economics.
In 2005, she briefly joined the ranks of Haitian political prisoners under the UN backed Latortue dictatorship. She was arrested after attending a conference in Venezuela where she expressed strong opposition to the coup that deposed Haiti’s democratically elected government in 2004. At the time Apollon was accused of plotting with Venezuela to destabilize Latortue's regime. Her husband and his friend were also arrested when they met her at the airport upon her return to Haiti. The stress that came with the ordeal impacted her health.
Addressing academics and activists at the main lunch panel at the GSA conference, Apollon was passionate about the plight of Haiti's working class and the unemployed. At one point Apollon was heckled by Daniel Michaud, a supporter of Batay Ouvriye - a rival labor organization funded by the US government through the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). In support of Apollon, a number of audience participants criticized the role of foreign funding which they said manipulated Haiti's political landscape and raised the public profile of otherwise marginal groups.
In addition to labor conditions, Apollon spoke about the case of Haitian political prisoner Ronald Dauphin who has been illegally imprisoned since 2004. Due to the presence of appointee holdovers in Haiti's judiciary from the Latortue years, the transition to democracy in 2006 has not liberated Dauphin. In contrast, perpetrators of grave human rights abuses (like death squad leader Louis Jodel Chamblain) are free.
Apollon also spoke about Lovinsky Pierre Antoine, a prominent human rights activist who was an outspoken opponent of the Latortue regime. Antoine has also been a harsh critic of the raids UN troops launched into Haiti's poorest slum - ostensibly to root out common criminals. Antoine disappeared two years ago – shortly after he announced his intention to run for a candidate for the Haitian senate. Prior to his disappearance, Antoine had helped organize a large protest against UN secretary general Ban Kin Moon. The demonstration, which greeted the UN secretary general at the Port-au-Prince airport, declared Ban Kin Moon persona non grata. Preval, who was said to have been deeply embarrassed by the protest, has yet to comment publicly about Antoine's disappearance.