If not Now, When?

If not Now, When?

The Maoist-led government came to power on a democratic platform, even promising double-digit growth through foreign investment. When they came into the government, many had expected a better business environment, improved security and favourable political decisions. But now its trade unions, by targeting foreign businesses and media outlets, are sending totally different message.

By Prakash C. Ghimire

Prime Minister Puspa Kamal Dahal’s recent warning to ‘resort to guns’ is the manifestation of his incapability to lead the present coalition and signals the powerlessness of the government to rule the nation. Unequivocally, four months are not enough to evaluate performance of the present Maoist-led government, however, this much of time is sufficient for the government to set future course of actions, give an indication how they would like to govern ‘new Nepal’ and reinforce trust of the common people. Keeping in view various socio-economic and political indicators, definitely, there are no compelling reasons to be satisfied with the achievements made till date. There are hardly positive indications in the initial performance of the government. Rather, the past days’ euphoria is fast giving way to frustrations and despairs. No wonder, popular disenchantment is steadily on the rise.

It seems the government has lost its direction, if some of its recent actions are any indicators. Rising inflation, ever-increasing commodity prices, deteriorating law and order situation, poor state mechanism in dispensation of service, irresponsible behaviour of leaders and cadres of the ruling parties especially that of Maoists, hostility towards private industries, and random transfer of civil servants, especially in Home Ministry, are loaded against the ruling coalition. So many posts of secretaries (double than the earlier regime) have been created without properly designated job responsibilities and workplaces. The focus on insignificant issues like crackdown on dance-bars, street vendors and casinos; setting aside burning socio-political issues such as the constitution-drafting, Terai insurgency, etc. are symptomatic of the government’s myopic vision. The ruling coalition stands accused of wasting time in routine activities like foreign tours, inaugurations, promotions, appointments, bureaucratic reshuffles, task force formation and preparation of draft policies. Favouritism, nepotism and bartering have been the criteria while appointing and transferring government officials. Government machineries have not been properly activated yet mainly due to conflict of interests among the coalition allies. The growing disputes within and between the coalition partners are becoming major hindrances to good governance. The political leadership in the ministries does not have a novel working style nor has it demonstrated any vision, mission and skill to drive the country. People are forced to label the present government as ‘an old wine in a new bottle’.

The Maoist-led government came to power on a democratic platform, even promising double-digit growth through foreign investment. When they came into the government, many had expected a better business environment, improved security and favourable political decisions. But now its trade unions, by targeting foreign businesses and media outlets, are sending totally different message. The private sector is reeling under threats and extortion from militant unions that they say is directed and handled by the Maoists leaders. Many hotels and numerous industries across the country have already been closed or in the verge of closing because of threats from militant unions affiliated with the Maoists. The style of governance being demonstrated by the Maoists leaders in the government so far suggests they have not come far from their old ways and standpoints. The way militant unions have been allowed to operate with impunity could be cited as an example.

On 20 November, Colgate-Palmolive Company announced that it would sell off its Nepalese operations. The annual report of the company has described frequent interruptions due to unprecedented blockades and strikes by its Maoist-affiliated trade union as the reason for their departure. Another Maoist union forced India-based food-maker Dabur, the biggest foreign investor in the country, to close for 27 days in September. Biratnagar Jute Mill has been closed since 24 November. Hulas employees were on strike for a long time. Asia Distillery shut down. Manakamana Cable Car was closed down for long time forcing a loss of Rs 1 million a day. More than 30 industries along Pathalaiya-Birgunj corridor including Surya Nepal, one of the highest tax payers, have been forced to close indefinitely. All 60 hotels in Nagarkot were shut down last month. Even in remote Mugu, the Gamgadhi hydropower project has been closed for some months. The list goes on without any sign of improvements at least for the foreseeable future. During his recent visit to Nepal, Indian foreign minister raised the issue of industrial security and threats against Indian multinationals operating in Nepal when he met the Prime Minister indicating India’s dissatisfaction on the way Maoists are managing their labour unions.

It is clear that the current disputes in the industry sector is about politics and has nothing to do with the welfare of the labour force. If this situation continues, the business community predicts, there won't be any domestic investment in the country, leave alone the international investors. The current spate of strikes and disputes are reported to be caused by an intense rivalry between unions affiliated to the Maoists and the UML in a desperate pursuit to capture the labour-union leadership. The Maoist unions reportedly broke an agreement with GEFONT, the UML affiliated trade union, not to strike in the tourism sector for three years in response to a party directive. Intimidations, abductions, and vandalism are sharply on rise. Businessmen at the recently held conference in Pokhara said the extortion and decline in business would mean they would no longer be able to pay taxes to the government. According to FNCCI, 20 entrepreneurs have been murdered, 53 businessmen kidnapped, 54 companies closed permanently and there have been 62 shutdowns since the present government came in power.

The signals are also pessimistic if the situation of media sector is viewed. The free press has also come under attack. Physical attacks on media outlets are increasing. The Himal Khapatrika and its publisher have been attacked repeatedly by trade unions in the past month in response to the paper's coverage of the Maoist party's militant youth wing. Himal magazine warehouse was vandalised and burned. A Maoist union ravaged the printing presses of the Kathmandu Post in September 2007. Maoists were reported to have heavy hands to kill a journalist recently in the far west and many others have been compelled to live in a state of terror imposed by the local activists of Maoists youth wing.

Private schools and hospitals are left to operate in thick cloud of uncertainty because of the government’s recent pronouncement to provide education and health services from state’s own custody. The government seems to indulge in a business to downsize private service sector operation that have been far more effective, accessible and acceptable to general people than the service being provided by public sector institutions. Rather than formulating plan and policies to strengthen the serviceability of the public institutions to make them more competitive and appealing, the government is asking the private entrepreneurs in the sectors to seek for other alternatives to invest. This will have a negative impact on the country’s economy as the people in the higher and medium level of the socio-economic pyramid will opt for India or other foreign countries to receive health and education services. Money that was being invested in the country in the health and education sectors will drain away to other countries. Thousands of people will loose their jobs and business adding pain to already existing high rate of employment and under-employment in the country. If the government is determined to inhibit the role of private sector, the Finance Minister‘s recent call to the World Bank (WB) during his talks with the WB’s Senior Vice President Justin Lin on the sidelines of the UN Conference on Development Financing which kicked off in Doha, Qatar on November 29, to exhibit flexibility while framing its country assistance strategy for Nepal does not carry any meaning.

The forceful activities of Maoist-affiliated youth wing in different parts of the country are still continuing raising a big question mark on their attitude to correct. Whether through the case of abduction and murder of the two Kathmandu-based youths in Dhading or by means of killing of a civil servant in Saptari or with the recent vandalism in Janapriya Campus in Pokhara, the Maoist-affiliated youth wing are continuing their acts of violence. Recently, up to 200 Maoists cadres, including Udasipur VDC in-charge Kamal BK 'Santosh', and three Maoist activists, padlocked the house of Bhawani Giri, a CPN-UML cadre from Kailali district, after forcing the family out of the house just on the basis of a case filed with the police. Other similar groups captured the land of farmers in Kapilvastu, Bardia and Kailali and shared it among themselves.

The foreign policy of the Maoist-led government is indicating not only a failure but a potential disaster. The country has deliberately been made a fertile land to inflict foreign interests. Last month Nepal has had the Indian, British and Danish ministers visiting. Chinese delegations were in the country so often that it is difficult to keep count and a high level visit took place recently. The long queue of political leaders from the ruling parties desperately waiting to report to the visiting leaders, especially the foreign minister of India, is the indication that the government is calculatingly inviting them to interfere. Minister Dev Gurung’s open confession that the decisions of the present cabinet are highly influenced, sometimes dictated, by foreign power-centres did not come as a big surprise. It is reported that there is lack of inter-agency co-ordination between the foreign and other ministries. A turf war rages is reported between the foreign secretary and the PMO foreign policy adviser. Most of the career diplomats are discontented and annoyed. Given easy access and influence, foreign diplomats in Kathmandu see themselves more as domestic political players.

But the most striking trend on the foreign policy front as various analysts have pointed out is the steady increase in Chinese interest in Nepal. They lost their traditional ally of the monarchy but have been quick on damage control mode by bonding strongly with the Maoists. From inviting PLA commanders to military academies in China to visiting cantonments in Nepal and from pushing Chinese business interests to hosting clandestine cross-border visits by ministers, China is extending its dangerous tentacles that have already endangered the stability in different parts of the world. They have even publicly asked the Nepali left to unite to express concern over foreign encouragement of protests over Tibet. The Chinese are all over the place. The Maoists have reciprocated happily to the Chinese interest. Their core concern is not the bilateral relationship, but strengthening party-to-party ties. The Maoists see a great opportunity to play China against India and win favours from both. Interestingly, much vaunted 'nationalists', who wake up only when Indians intervene, are not only silent but also supporting the government’s move. However, what can be expected from these so called nationalists who never get tired scolding India in the name of Koshi and Gandaki treaties but prefer to keep silence when the issue of Chinese capturing the northern part of Mount Everest is raised.

The cabinet has never functioned as a coherent and responsible team. Contradictory opinions on a same decision, jurisdictional overlapping and self-centeredness of the ministers have worsened the situation. Sometimes back, minister for state restructuring proposed a framework for political division of the country without doing any homework. Interestingly, the document that is promulgated by a government ministry has the insignia of the Maoists party in its cover page. The government did not care to clarify whether the document is authentic or it is only the time-passing effort of the minister. The government has always been in controversies be it in the case of appointing members of planning commission or assigning a ‘computer operator’ in the prime minister’s office. The government has recently withdrawn series charges, such as rape and drug smuggling, levelled against some Maoists leaders and activists reinforcing the culture of impunity which may lead to sharp increase of crime in the country. It is reported that 104 robbery cases and 99 cases related to homicides have been extracted.

Needless to mention, the primary task of the present government is the drafting of the constitution of the country. But everybody is aware how far the government has reached in doing so. Now questions are being raised on the intention of the government – is it really serious in undertaking this important task? Political analysts have started to express their views publicly that the ruling political parties, especially the Maoists, are not interested in drafting the constitution, as their inherent intension is to (mis)use the present system in fulfilling the so called ultimate goal of establishing the country as the ‘People’s Republic’. It seems not only other ruling parties including UML and MJF but also the Nepali Congress are knowingly or unknowingly supporting the Maoists in their inherent motives by not lobbying strongly and effectively to start the constitution writing process. The constitution writing process has deliberately been made complex with the fuelling of so called communal uprisings.

There are numerous opportunities for the government to perform. There is no need to trouble the brains to discover new fancy ideas and reinvent the wheel. The previous government has already made the official filing cabinets overflowing with numerous dream projects. The fast-track road along the bank of Bagmati, the international airport in Nijgarh, east-west highway through mid-hills, north-south highways linking Chinese and Indian boarders, satellite townships etc. are some of them. What is needed now is the careful review of the proposals and prioritisation for implementation.

The present government headed by ‘one-time terrorist outfit’; a mixture of non-compatible elements with many inherent contradictions; may be in the verge of failing because of its own weight and internal power struggle. It is learnt that despite huge attempts to patch things up, the present ruling political parties knew deep down that divorce is on the cards. It is not a matter of ‘if’ but ‘when’. However, the people still prefer to see the government continuing its term till it is mandated to be in the steering seat. Prime Minister’s own recent assessment – ‘we have felt deeply within this short span that uprooting the nexus of anomalies in the state machineries is more difficult than the people’s war’ clearly indicates inability of the government to ensure good governance and signifies how difficult is the journey ahead. But he should know that the fight against so called remnants of feudalism, the comprador bourgeoisie and imperialist foreign forces who have been meddling in Nepal, could not be fought only by changing the dress from ‘indigenous’ ‘Daura and Suruwal’ to ‘imported’ ‘Suit and Tie’. The Maoist leaders now have everything they ever craved for: the state treasury, the mandate to perform, the limelight, the highlife and the power to keep everyone on their toes. What is lacking is the attitude to be changed, willpower to perform and commitment to act. Coalition nature of the government could never be the excuse for the inability to perform. People are wise enough to know that it is the performance of the driver with the steering wheels in his grip that makes the journey successful. To fulfil their promise to improve the lives of fellow citizens, the former insurgents first have to demonstrate that they are capable of governing as civilian leaders. If they do not start people-centred politics and constitution writing process, every Nepalese has rights to ask ‘when, if not now?’

(Ghimire is associated with Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV) as an Advisor for Renewable Energy Programmes with duty station in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. He can be reached at: prakashchgh@gmail.com)

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